tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-81803921681920892602024-03-06T15:24:03.008-08:00Hintadupfing<b>Hintadupfing:</b>http://www.blogger.com/profile/02972057479892034858noreply@blogger.comBlogger184125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8180392168192089260.post-16416518119453874212024-03-05T00:24:00.000-08:002024-03-06T15:23:31.885-08:00“Death or Liberty” – Australia’s Battle of Vinegar Hill at 220 <p><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span><b><span lang="EN-GB"></span></b></span></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><b><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg0R9YEwI_rJeiBmS2_M5AiJ8wVJ6TCo3H5I3anlOAXdkcwuQwf1P7WoYD0IzTxxuebippkaDfwUlWbZXvf-ji3sSJ4ObcfMcj3PMl4ZzM17VCkU-5otEEJv9n7ytvzSLqRnvxN7JuzyK7-VmZxFrXco4qjPup2DaiBl18P4hf25OLFg9BLN6p3N_6Nx0o/s685/17098480_10155030952336948_3772125416889386476_n.jpg" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="515" data-original-width="685" height="247" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg0R9YEwI_rJeiBmS2_M5AiJ8wVJ6TCo3H5I3anlOAXdkcwuQwf1P7WoYD0IzTxxuebippkaDfwUlWbZXvf-ji3sSJ4ObcfMcj3PMl4ZzM17VCkU-5otEEJv9n7ytvzSLqRnvxN7JuzyK7-VmZxFrXco4qjPup2DaiBl18P4hf25OLFg9BLN6p3N_6Nx0o/w328-h247/17098480_10155030952336948_3772125416889386476_n.jpg" width="328" /></a></b></span></div><p><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><b>220 years ago, on March 5, 1804, several
hundred armed rebels – mostly escaped Irish political prisoners, veterans of
Vinegar Hill and the United Irishmen rebellion of 1798 – clashed with British
armed forces near Castle Hill in western Sydney. They lost, but while their rebellion was short-lived, it was far from the impromptu uprising many suggest. Rather, it was just the
latest, and largest, manifestation of an ongoing Irish republican struggle in the
fledgling colony. </b></span></p><p><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><b> </b></span></p><p></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span lang="EN-GB">In terms of scale, the ‘battle’
of Castle Hill was truthfully little more than a skirmish in the bush in
western Sydney. Only a handful of rebels were killed, the rest fled, and their leaders were easily
captured by crown forces under a false flag of truce. The rebel forces were
poorly organised and divided, while – due to betrayal – hundreds more who would
otherwise have joined them did not. Even so, the rebellion shook the colony to its core </span></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span lang="EN-GB">–</span></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span lang="EN-GB"> a reaction that can only be understood in the context of
the years immediately preceding it, both in Sydney, and in Ireland.</span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span lang="EN-GB"> </span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span><b><span lang="EN-GB">A vulnerable penal colony</span></b></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span><b><span lang="EN-GB"> </span></b><span lang="EN-GB"></span></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span lang="EN-GB">By 1800, Sydney Town was a
young settlement of barely 12 years, with only 2500 European inhabitants – 43 percent of them
convicts. Further inland, Toongabbie and Parramatta had a combined population
of under 1500, and perhaps another 1100 – mostly free settlers – could be found in the
Hawkesbury. The colony was dotted with several small garrisons, but the
military presence was confined largely to Sydney Town. </span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span lang="EN-GB"> </span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span lang="EN-GB">The economic viability of the
settlement was also still uncertain, particularly after huge floods in 1799. This
instability was to continue for several years, with ships sent to seek
emergency food supplies from India as late as 1813. While hindsight can give
rise to a misleading sense of inevitability, this vulnerability would have been
palpable at the time, not least to hundreds of Irish political prisoners –
convinced republicans and veterans of a large-scale armed rebellion against the
British only months before. </span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span lang="EN-GB"> </span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span lang="EN-GB">The first ships carrying around
400 of these Irish political prisoners arrived at the start of 1800, sent as
exiles-without-trial to the New South Wales colony in the aftermath of the
failed United Irishmen rebellion of 1798. While some were senior members of the
United Irishmen, arrested before the rebellion had begun, others had seen
action in Waterford, Wexford, the Midlands, and the north. It would soon become
apparent that the long journey to Australia had failed to break their spirits.</span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span><b><span lang="EN-GB"> </span></b></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span><b><span lang="EN-GB">Sedition and conspiracy</span></b><span lang="EN-GB"></span></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span lang="EN-GB"> </span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span lang="EN-GB">As early as February 1800,
records tell of a seditious meeting among the Irish being broken up in Sydney, while another plot was reported in May. In September, another conspiracy among the
Irish prisoners was uncovered, with plans to take the Sydney barracks and
overthrow the Governor, and for the rebels to then live on the settlers’ farms
until they heard back from a message they would send to France. More
disturbances were reported in October, with suspected ringleaders shipped off
to Norfolk Island to defuse their plotting – unsuccessfully. In December, a
rebellion on Norfolk Island was apparently averted only by the pre-emptive
execution of two of its leaders. </span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span lang="EN-GB"> </span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span lang="EN-GB">Such accounts make the colony
seem a hotbed of rebel activity, but it is difficult to know how much was true, and how much was British paranoia. One witness testified to the notorious
“Flogging Reverend”, Samuel Marsden, in 1800 that she became convinced the
Irish were planning “something that was improper” after seeing them “talking
very earnestly in Irish”. A sectarian bigot, Marsden was already predisposed to distrust the Irish, describing them as</span><span>
"the most wild, ignorant and savage race that were ever favoured with the
light of civilisation"</span><span lang="EN-US">, while considering </span><span>Irish convicts </span><span lang="EN-US">even worse, “</span><span>depraved beyond all conception</span><span lang="EN-US">”.</span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><b><span lang="EN-GB"> </span></b></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><b><span lang="EN-GB">Bigotry and sectarianism </span></b></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span lang="EN-GB"> </span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span lang="EN-GB">Yet while the evidence of
conspiracy and unrest may have been often flimsy, the British fear and distrust of the
Irish was real enough, reflecting both ingrained ethnic prejudices and genuine political insecurities in aftermath of the events of 1798.
Governor John Hunter – replaced by Governor Philip Gidley King in late 1800 –
repeatedly complained to London that the Irish prisoners were “turbulent” and
“diabolical” and called for the number of Irish transportees to be drastically reduced
in the interest of colonial security. </span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span lang="EN-GB"> </span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span lang="EN-GB">Another consequence of the 1800 Irish
scare was the establishment, on September 7, of an official civilian paramilitary
movement: the Loyal Associations of Sydney and Parramatta, each with a captain,
three sergeants, two drummers and three corporals, 36 privates in the
Sydney group, and 29 in Parramatta. These loyalist paramilitaries were suspended
by Governor King in August 1801, but recalled on December 9, 1803, when news
arrived that France and England were at war. They marked the beginning of a conservative,
protestant, “law and order” tradition that was to continue well into the
twentieth century, built on profound distrust of, and discrimination against, the Irish Catholic community in Australia.</span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span lang="EN-GB"> <br /></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span><b><span lang="EN-GB">Echoes of Emmet’s rebellion </span></b></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span><b><span lang="EN-GB"> </span></b><span lang="EN-GB"></span></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span lang="EN-GB">Further ships soon arrived from
Ireland – the <i>Anne,</i> which reached Sydney in 1801 after surviving a
mutiny by the prisoners onboard, and the <i>Atlas I</i>, <i>Atlas II</i>, and <i>Hercules</i>
in 1802. Each carried more veterans of 1798, along with the latest updates of the
state of unrest in the Irish countryside. Perhaps in response to news that the
rebellion had finally been defeated, reported Irish agitation in the colony
lessened, so much so that the British allowed the colony’s first Catholic
priest to (briefly) perform his ministry. As late as March 1, 1804, Governor King
wrote to London that the Irish in Sydney were now behaving themselves.</span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span lang="EN-GB"> </span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span lang="EN-GB">The spark for a new rebellion was
already being kindled, however, after the whaling ship the <i>Ferret </i>arrived
in Sydney in January 1804, bringing newspapers dating from August 1803. These bore
tidings of Robert Emmet’s new United Irish rising near Dublin – but not of its demise, which
followed closely in the weeks that followed. Not to be dampened by news of
later events, word of Emmet’s uprising spread through the colony like wildfire,
and six weeks later – whether by coincidence or not, on Emmet’s birthday – that
spark became a flame.</span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span lang="EN-GB"> </span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span><b><span lang="EN-GB">“Liberty or Death…”</span></b><span lang="EN-GB"></span></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span lang="EN-GB"> </span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span lang="EN-GB">Literally, as it turns out.
Instructions spread on March 4 that the rebellion would begin at nightfall, and
the official signal was when one of the leaders, John Cavenah, set fire to his
hut at Castle Hill Government Farm at 8 o’clock. That night, some 200-300,
mostly Irish, prisoners escaped from the prison farm, led by Philip Cunningham
– a key architect of the rebellion. A Kerry-man, Cunningham was a veteran of
the 1798 United Irishmen rebellion and of its aftermath, where he had been captured
and tried in Clonmel while rebuilding the United Irishmen in Tipperary. He had
also been involved in the mutiny on board the <i>Anne</i> during its journey to
Australia.</span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span lang="EN-GB"> </span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span lang="EN-GB">The signal fire was not seen by
his comrades at Green Hills (today's Windsor) on the Hawkesbury River, but
Cunningham proceeded with his plan regardless, taking weapons, ammunition, and
food from the Castle Hill Government Farm, and recruiting local supporters. The
rebels - their numbers soon swelling to over 685 - adopted the slogan “Death or
Liberty” as their rallying call, planning to join hundreds more from the
Hawkesbury area, to rally at Constitution Hill, and to march on Parramatta and
then Sydney’s Port Jackson itself. There they would establish Irish rule and send
those who wished it back to Ireland to reignite the 1803 rebellion. </span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span><b><span lang="EN-GB"> </span></b></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span><b><span lang="EN-GB">Damned Betrayal</span></b><span lang="EN-GB"></span></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span lang="EN-GB"> </span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span lang="EN-GB">After looting the government farm, the rebel group divided into
smaller parties, going from farm to farm on their way towards Constitution
Hill, collecting further supplies and recruits. Their actions were informed by
intelligence gathered the previous year, when 12 escaped prisoners sought out
friends and sympathisers in the surrounding districts. Even so, many lost their
way during the night and failed to reach the rendezvous point – including a
group of 70 under the command of Samuel Humes. These losses were worsened
when plans to join with hundreds of prisoners in the Hawkesbury region went
awry after John Griffen, the courier taking their mobilisation orders, betrayed
the uprising and surrendered to authorities that night.</span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span lang="EN-GB"> </span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span lang="EN-GB">Another small group of rebels
attempted to enter Parramatta to set a building alight as a signal for local
rebels and those in Sydney to join the rebellion, but two defectors again ruined
the plan. Captain Edward Abbott commenced defensive measures in Parramatta and
sent a message to Governor King in Sydney. King, alerted to the rebellion late
during the evening of March 4, declared martial law, although when news of the
uprising reached the small colony, a great panic set in, with some officials </span></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span lang="EN-GB">–</span></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span lang="EN-GB"> including
Samuel Marsden </span></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span lang="EN-GB">–</span></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span lang="EN-GB"> fleeing the area by boat. Major George Johnston of the New South
Wales Corps (himself later to play a key role in the Rum Rebellion coup d’état of 1808)
quickly gathered a force of British troops and a large civilian militia –
including the Sydney Loyal Association – to pursue the rebels. </span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span><b><span lang="EN-GB"> </span></b></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span><b><span lang="EN-GB">New Ireland</span></b><span lang="EN-GB"></span></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span lang="EN-GB"> </span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span lang="EN-GB">With the element of surprise lost and plans to mobilise rebels in the
Hawkesbury, Parramatta and Sydney having failed, the uprising was confined to
the area west of Parramatta. Cunningham, lacking any sign that Parramatta had been
taken, and without the expected reinforcements, was forced to withdraw the
rebel group to Toongabbie to re-assess strategy, gather new
forces, and perhaps find his lost comrades. In the process, he also collected a
significant number of arms, by this point possessing of perhaps a third of the
colony’s entire armaments, but the rebel forces continued to dwindle in number.
Those that remained are reported to have proclaimed the area around
Constitution Hill "New Ireland”.</span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span lang="EN-GB"> </span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span lang="EN-GB">Meanwhile, Major Johnston’s much
smaller crown forces endured a forced march through the night, coming to within
only a few kilometres of the remaining rebels, now reduced to approximately
233, on the morning of March 5. Outnumbered and tired, Johnston decided to
employ delaying tactics, riding on ahead of his men along with a trooper,
Thomas Anlezark, and the colony’s sole Catholic priest, Father Dixon </span></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span lang="EN-GB">–</span></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span lang="EN-GB"> himself an
Irishman exiled to Australia following 1798 </span></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span lang="EN-GB">–</span></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span lang="EN-GB"> to demand the rebels surrender,
and to otherwise parley with them while his troops advanced to a more
favourable position. </span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span lang="EN-GB"> </span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span><b><span lang="EN-GB">“… and a ship to take us home!”</span></b></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span><b><span lang="EN-GB"> </span></b><span lang="EN-GB"></span></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span lang="EN-GB">Sending first the trooper
Anlezark, and then Father Dixon, to demand (unsuccessfully) that the rebels down arms and accept
an amnesty, Major Johnston himself finally rode up to meet them. Cunningham’s
response, however, remained emphatic: “Death or liberty”. It is sometimes
claimed that he also said, “and a ship to take us home”, although that addition
is first recorded some while later. During this exchange, the government troops
and the loyalist militia finally appeared, lining up behind Major Johnston.
Seizing his opportunity, Johnston – still under a flag of truce – took
Cunningham and another rebel leader captive at gunpoint. </span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span lang="EN-GB"> </span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span lang="EN-GB">Quickly retreating with the
captured Cunningham, Johnston ordered crown forces to fire on the rebels. After
fifteen minutes of gunfire, followed by a charge, between 15 and 20 rebels were
killed, the others scattering into the bush in disarray. An unknown number –
certainly more than a dozen – were killed in the pursuits that followed into the night
and the following days. Governor King then announced leniency for those who
surrendered before March 10, leading many of those who got lost on the night of
March 4 to give themselves up, while the large group commanded by Samuel Humes
was captured by the </span></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span lang="EN-GB">Parramatta </span></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span lang="EN-GB">Loyal Association militia at Castle Hill.</span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span lang="EN-GB"> </span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span lang="EN-GB"> <b>Aftermath</b></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span lang="EN-GB"><b> </b></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span>The extent of </span><span lang="EN-US">British</span><span> alarm over the Castle Hill </span><span lang="EN-US">rebellion can be measured </span><span>by the </span><span lang="EN-US">scale of </span><span>repression</span><span lang="EN-US"> that followed</span><span>.
</span><span lang="EN-GB">While some have estimated that 39
rebels died in, or as a result of, the Castle Hill uprising, the precise
numbers will never be known. Around 230 people were arrested in the days
following the rebellion, of whom nine were executed. Eight of these received a
court-martial, while a wounded Cunningham was hanged without trial on the steps
of the Government Store at Windsor, which he had claimed he would burn down. Interestingly,
of those executed, four were Protestant, and two were English. </span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span lang="EN-GB"> </span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span lang="EN-GB">Two prisoners – including Humes –
were hung from the gibbet, while two others, Bryan McCormack and John Burke,
were reprieved and detained. Seven were whipped with between 200 or 500 lashes
and sent to the Coal River chain gang at Newcastle, and a further 23 others
were sent to the Newcastle coal mines. Another 34 prisoners were placed in
irons until they could be "disposed of”, but their fate remains unclear.
Of the approximately 150 rebels that remained, many were sent to Norfolk Island
on good behaviour bonds, but the majority were pardoned and allowed to return
to their previous lives, it being adjudged that they had been coerced into
rebellion.<br /></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span lang="EN-GB"> </span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><b><span lang="EN-GB">The International Society of
United Irishmen?</span></b></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><b><span lang="EN-GB"> </span></b></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span lang="EN-GB">Martial law ended on 10 March
1804, but the Irish insurgency in Sydney – both real and imagined – continued. </span><span>Two Frenchmen who
had come </span><span lang="EN-US">to the colony to </span><span>cultivate vines were expelled on
suspicion</span><span lang="EN-US">. </span><span lang="EN-GB">More realistic plots continued to develop,
with authorities on the constant alert over the following three years. For his
part, Governor King was convinced that the true leaders of the 1804 rebellion
had remained out of sight, and were continuing to plot the colony’s demise. As a result, he sent numerous suspects to Norfolk Island as a
preventative measure. </span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span lang="EN-GB"> </span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span lang="EN-GB">Whether King was correct will likely never be known </span></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span lang="EN-GB">–</span></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span lang="EN-GB"> the identity of the rebellion's co-conspirators
in Parramatta, Sydney and the Hawkesbury are lost to history. It is true, however, that the rising was neither as spontaneous nor isolated as most Australian
historiography would have us believe. Indeed, there are unverified claims that
at least two Irish prisoners who arrived in February 1800 on board the <i>Friendship</i>
were corresponding with the United Irish leadership around Emmet to establish a
secret branch of an “International Society of United Irishmen” in Sydney to act there under
direction from Ireland. </span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span lang="EN-GB"> </span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span lang="EN-GB">Loyalist paranoia about Irish
republicanism was further fed by the arrival in February 1806 of another group
of Irish political rebels on board the <i>Tellicherry</i>. They included the
last hard core of United Irishmen, and were led by none other than Michael Dwyer,
the “Wicklow Chief”, who had only surrendered in December 1803 on condition of
voluntary exile to the United States of America. Perfidious Albion, of course,
had other ideas, sending Dwyer, Hugh Byrne, Martin Burke, Arthur Devlin, John
Mernagh, and a dozen of their comrades to Botany Bay. Perhaps regrettably, the loyalist fears of renewed rebellion were misplaced.<br /></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span lang="EN-GB"><br /></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span><b><span lang="EN-GB">Australia's Vinegar Hills<br /></span></b></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span><b><span lang="EN-GB"> </span></b><span lang="EN-GB"></span></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span lang="EN-GB">Known as Australia’s “Battle of
Vinegar Hill” due to its links with the Irish events of 1798, and that famous battle in particular, the 1804 Castle
Hill rebellion is now commemorated at the Vinegar Hill Memorial, Castlebrook
Memorial Gardens, in Rouse Hill. A monument was unveiled by former Prime
Minister Gough Whitlam in 1988, carrying the names of several contemporary
politicians and councillors, but with none of the rebels. This rather blinkered oversight was remedied
on the bicentenary of the rebellion in 2004 with a new plaque. </span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span lang="EN-GB"> </span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span lang="EN-GB">The Castle Hill rebellion was also the
opening sally in a longer struggle for democracy in Australia in which Irish
republicans have played a key part. The anti-authoritarian streak, and the lived experience of many Irish in Australia, found its expression in the widespread popular support for the Kelly Gang in northeast Victoria, in the better expressions of Australia's trade union movement, in the struggle against conscription during World War One, and in the fight for Aboriginal rights. In 1920, 100,000 people marched in Melbourne's annual Saint Patrick's Day Parade to demonstrate their support for Irish independence.<br /></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span lang="EN-GB"> </span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span lang="EN-GB">Perhaps the most iconic such expression, however, took place fifty years after Castle Hill at the
Eureka Stockade rebellion on the Ballarat goldfields in Victoria. It, too, was defeated in blood,
but the popular support it enjoyed saw one of its key demands realised: a Legislative
Assembly in the Victorian colony. The Eureka rebels </span></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span lang="EN-GB">– migrants from every corner of the earth </span></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span lang="EN-GB">– </span></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><span lang="EN-GB">were inspired by the same
ideals of liberty, justice, and freedom as the heroes of '98 and '04. Led by Peter Lawlor, the brother
of Young Irelander James Fintan Lawlor, they raised a standard of liberty while using the password "Vinegar Hill".</span></span></p><p><style><font size="3"><span style="font-family: arial;">@font-face
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{page:WordSection1;}</span></font></style></p><b>Hintadupfing:</b>http://www.blogger.com/profile/02972057479892034858noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8180392168192089260.post-63477756359620038042024-01-26T05:55:00.000-08:002024-02-21T07:35:24.064-08:00Northern Lights? Nordic lessons for the just transition<p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhHejm9qPdI-cESv40dVwzzPaYvM51DX3AIzzM1-FlJvAPBi_VXeeiFe95orGa5Nm2jHJgpmBhCIKDlDQy8u3ZxwrxnkSUQptxbpHS9Ka6SHrKABOdfsypP4qwNc7dLuw-m4tmROQsqsKMUaJpKDYkvAHc7EPv9tigA7sHK1VT-PzJFMq0swNXnmgvHZtw/s1600/GExfZq9XEAAKoEN.jpg" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="900" data-original-width="1600" height="180" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhHejm9qPdI-cESv40dVwzzPaYvM51DX3AIzzM1-FlJvAPBi_VXeeiFe95orGa5Nm2jHJgpmBhCIKDlDQy8u3ZxwrxnkSUQptxbpHS9Ka6SHrKABOdfsypP4qwNc7dLuw-m4tmROQsqsKMUaJpKDYkvAHc7EPv9tigA7sHK1VT-PzJFMq0swNXnmgvHZtw/s320/GExfZq9XEAAKoEN.jpg" width="320" /></a></span></div><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><b>For many, Scandinavia is synonymous with social democracy, high union
density, public ownership, and progressive governments inclined to
climate action and sustainable policies. A recent study tour to Norway
and Denmark, hosted by Rosa Luxemburg Foundation’s New York and Brussels
offices, found that both countries still struggle with entrenched
interests – local and international – holding back a genuine “just
transition”.</b></span><p></p>
<p><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;">The five-day study tour in October brought ten experts – legislators,
researchers, and activists – from North America and Europe to Norway
and Denmark. It was the aim of the tour to explore the renewable energy
landscape in Scandinavia, and to exchange experiences from both sides of
the Atlantic around building a “just transition”: a greening of the
economy in a fair and inclusive manner that creates decent work
opportunities and leaves no one behind.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;">Taking as its starting point the role and strategies of left parties,
trade unions and climate justice groups in the Nordic region, the visit
also looked at the larger challenges, including the regional and global
dynamics surrounding a green transition. The results were challenging,
and sometimes inspiring, but contradictory.</span></p><h3><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><b>Leading on renewables?</b></span></h3>
<p><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;">Denmark and Norway are rightly seen as world leaders on renewable
energy, but this status is riddled with incongruities. While Norway’s
hydro sector supplies over 99 percent of the country’s electricity needs
and is more than 90 percent state-owned, wind power faces significant
public opposition. Unlike hydro, onshore wind generation in Norway is 75
percent privately owned, largely exported for profit, and pays lower
taxes than other energy sectors. Offshore wind production – which faces
less criticism – mostly serves to electrify Norwegian oil and gas
platforms.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;">Opposition to onshore wind has even emerged within Norway’s
environmental movement and indigenous Sámi population, most notably
around the Fosen wind farm in central Norway. In October 2021, Norway’s
Supreme Court ruled the wind farm had been built in clear violation of
the Sámi people’s human rights, but the government has failed to take
any action. Both environmental groups and the Sámi people continue to <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/oct/11/demonstration-in-oslo-seeks-removal-of-windfarms-in-indigenous-region" style="color: blue; text-decoration: underline;">protest against the wind farm</a>, and the case has only helped deepen public opposition to wind energy in the country.</span></p><p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><b><i>Read the full report at <a href="https://www.rosalux.eu/en/article/2336.northern-lights-nordic-lessons-for-the-just-transition.html">Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung - Brussels Office</a> or </i></b></span></span><a href="https://rosalux.nyc/northern-lights-nordic-lessons-for-the-just-transition/"><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><b><i>Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung - New York Office</i></b></span></span></a><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><b><i>. </i></b> </span></span></p><b>Hintadupfing:</b>http://www.blogger.com/profile/02972057479892034858noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8180392168192089260.post-17487089662996596452023-09-06T01:01:00.000-07:002024-02-15T13:19:50.009-08:00Das Thema „Sicherheit“ und die Linke<p style="text-align: left;"><b><i><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"></span></i></b></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><b><i><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEid33v0g4JJbktBOQkmP1hpSUyDGXto2y7do8iKZ7GV4itY-J9HtiRNFN5rSXhryyu-ItV9cieXD0XRKURIEi6iT55i2b6GgogH9fo1FnFpzHmFJsp7CY9Qe1ZIrxtMP3piuAOGd_a2GlcyHJIt7bzlFxawc74DY5HRClIoIm9UKveP7Ae6suiRv0XDyKE/s1200/3905.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="801" data-original-width="1200" height="214" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEid33v0g4JJbktBOQkmP1hpSUyDGXto2y7do8iKZ7GV4itY-J9HtiRNFN5rSXhryyu-ItV9cieXD0XRKURIEi6iT55i2b6GgogH9fo1FnFpzHmFJsp7CY9Qe1ZIrxtMP3piuAOGd_a2GlcyHJIt7bzlFxawc74DY5HRClIoIm9UKveP7Ae6suiRv0XDyKE/s320/3905.jpg" width="320" /></a></span></i></b></div><b><i><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;">Erfahrungen und Strategien linker Parteien in den nordischen Ländern und Deutschland</span></i></b><p></p><p style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><em>Im Juni 2023 veranstaltete das Brüsseler Büro der
Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung (RLS) einen Workshop in Malmö, Schweden, um den
Austausch von Erfahrungen und Strategien zwischen verschiedenen linken
Parteien zu fördern, die sich insbesondere nach dem russischen Einmarsch
in die Ukraine mit dem Thema Sicherheitspolitik beschäftigen.</em></span></p>
<p style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><em>Am Workshop nahmen 20 Parteiaktivist:innen und
Entscheidungsträger:innen der politischen Linken aus Dänemark, Finnland,
Norwegen, Schweden und Deutschland teil.[1] Darunter waren sowohl
Abgeordnete der nationalen Parlamente, Fraktionssprecher:innen in den
Bereichen Sicherheit und Verteidigung als auch Mitglieder der
Parteispitzen von Enhedslisten (Dänemark), Vasemmistoliitto (Finnland),
Rødt (Norwegen), Socialistisk Venstreparti (Norwegen), Vänsterpartiet
(Schweden), und DIE LINKE (Deutschland).</em></span></p>
<p style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><em>Der Workshop bot neben der Möglichkeit, sich über Analysen und
Strategien auszutauschen, sich untereinander zu vernetzen und
voneinander zu lernen, wichtige Einblicke in die Erfahrungen und
Debatten linker Parteien in den nordischen Ländern und in Deutschland.
Der Fokus lag auf zentralen Fragen und Herausforderungen für die Linke
im Bereich der Sicherheitspolitik, einschließlich der heiklen Frage
linker Strategien und Taktiken gegenüber militärischen und
sicherheitspolitischen Bündnissen wie der NATO.</em></span></p>
<p style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><em>Der Workshop war Teil einer laufenden Veranstaltungsreihe der RLS Brüssel mit Schwerpunkt auf den nordischen Ländern. </em></span></p><p style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-size: small;"><span class="HwtZe" lang="de" style="font-family: arial;"><span class="jCAhz ChMk0b"><span class="ryNqvb"><b><i>Den vollständigen Bericht finden Sie auf der <a href="https://www.rosalux.eu/de/article/2275.das-thema-sicherheit-und-die-linke.html">Website der Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung – Büro Brüssel</a>.</i></b></span></span></span></span></p><b>Hintadupfing:</b>http://www.blogger.com/profile/02972057479892034858noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8180392168192089260.post-45601032146696609922023-08-17T04:52:00.000-07:002024-02-15T13:20:18.545-08:00“Security and the Left” - Impact Workshop<p style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-size: small;"><i style="font-family: arial;"></i></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: small;"><i style="font-family: arial;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgMc5wivjH9AOuQzvvCXjeGkLe6SjgK_j0ZPjreGB6QIk91woay346Bjil-EzlItiNwHTWrsT7_gM0rV6aEiYF6nOY6hOJrfCNy_I1ZvlKNhBybJwK5T_EQWYpq-OZikxRiELUCXuKkJoYnUD9p9i744K82m31KSQFS9tFuU5tebuSqYJ1Oz0yPzggSJVs/s1200/3909.jpg" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="800" data-original-width="1200" height="213" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgMc5wivjH9AOuQzvvCXjeGkLe6SjgK_j0ZPjreGB6QIk91woay346Bjil-EzlItiNwHTWrsT7_gM0rV6aEiYF6nOY6hOJrfCNy_I1ZvlKNhBybJwK5T_EQWYpq-OZikxRiELUCXuKkJoYnUD9p9i744K82m31KSQFS9tFuU5tebuSqYJ1Oz0yPzggSJVs/w320-h213/3909.jpg" width="320" /></a></i></span></div><span style="font-size: small;"><i style="font-family: arial;">On 8-9 June 2023 the Brussels Office of the Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung (RLS) hosted a workshop in Malmö to facilitate the <b>exchange
of experiences and strategies between several left-wing parties
grappling with the issue of security policy, particularly in the
aftermath of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine</b>. The event was held face-to-face and invitation-only to guarantee an atmosphere of trust and confidentiality to participants.</i></span><p></p>
<p style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-size: small;"><i style="font-family: arial;">The workshop brought together 20 party activists and decision-makers
from the political left in Sweden, Denmark, Finland, Norway and
Germany.[1] Participation included current MPs, and members of party
leaderships, from <a href="https://enhedslisten.dk/"><b>Enhedslisten</b></a> (Denmark), <a href="https://www.vansterpartiet.se/">Vänsterpartiet</a> (Sweden), <a href="https://vasemmisto.fi/">Vasemmistoliitto</a> (Finland), <a href="https://www.sv.no/">Socialistisk Venstreparti</a> (Norway), <a href="https://roedt.no/">Rødt</a> (Norway), and <a href="https://www.die-linke.de/start/">DIE LINKE</a> (Germany).</i></span></p>
<p style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-size: small;"><i style="font-family: arial;">Participants had the opportunity to exchange views on analysis and
strategy, to connect and to learn from each other – gaining useful
insights into the experiences of, and debates within, left parties in
the Nordic countries and Germany. Through a dynamic mix of inputs and
interactive discussions, the workshop concentrated on key questions and
challenges for the left in the area of security policy, including the
thorny question of left strategies and tactics towards military and
security alliances such as NATO.</i></span></p>
<p style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-size: small;"><i style="font-family: arial;">The workshop was part of an ongoing series of events with a focus on the Nordic countries organised by RLS Brussels.</i></span></p><p style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><span><span><span><span><span><span><span><span><span><span><i><b><span><span><i><b>Read the full report at <a href="https://www.rosalux.eu/en/article/2274.security-and-the-left-impact-workshop.html">Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung - Brussels Office</a>.</b></i></span></span></b></i></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span><span style="font-family: arial;"><i> </i> </span></span></p><b>Hintadupfing:</b>http://www.blogger.com/profile/02972057479892034858noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8180392168192089260.post-71955061231316979912022-12-21T05:11:00.005-08:002022-12-21T05:11:55.849-08:00Impact workshop: “The Left in Power”, Copenhagen 9-10 June<p><em></em></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><em><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj6RjWrwe3EebtV47z6hrKhd15ADshnaLAxkCXkoJjlvwYmpHb1SqqfGmxPgoXtZIOEjpq2HUOakVAlj2Wlh3J67bYL-4vd_Fz8iXgYDmypvYEVB-XXCZ5Fhk3nG-mgzooZes_S88SF7yLhn-Jm-gK5NPgWACMeflGA4hOQ8_rUqrLHohh-YRXlFTUp/s1200/3776.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="725" data-original-width="1200" height="193" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj6RjWrwe3EebtV47z6hrKhd15ADshnaLAxkCXkoJjlvwYmpHb1SqqfGmxPgoXtZIOEjpq2HUOakVAlj2Wlh3J67bYL-4vd_Fz8iXgYDmypvYEVB-XXCZ5Fhk3nG-mgzooZes_S88SF7yLhn-Jm-gK5NPgWACMeflGA4hOQ8_rUqrLHohh-YRXlFTUp/s320/3776.jpg" width="320" /></a></em></div><em>In June 2022, the Brussels Office of Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung
hosted a workshop in Copenhagen to better understand and compare the
central issues, experiences and strategies of left-wing parties’
participation in, or support of, governments in the region. The event
was face-to-face and by-invitation only to guarantee an atmosphere of
trust and confidentiality to participants.</em><p></p>
<p><em>The workshop brought together 30 party activists and
decision-makers from among the political left in Sweden, Denmark and
Germany<a name="_ftnref1">.</a></em><a href="https://www.rosalux.eu/en/article/2184.impact-workshop-the-left-in-power-copenhagen-9-10-june.html#_ftn1" style="color: #0563c1; text-decoration: underline;"><em>[1]</em></a><em>
Participation included current MPs, members of the party leadership,
and activists with experience at the regional and local level from
Enhedslisten (Denmark) and Vänsterpartiet (Sweden), as well as DIE LINKE
officials and elected representatives from several German states and
state parliaments (Thuringia, Brandenburg, Berlin,
Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, Bremen and Hamburg).</em></p>
<p><em>Participants had the opportunity to exchange viewpoints on
analysis and strategy, learn from each other and connect, gaining useful
insights into the experiences and debates of left parties in the Nordic
countries and Germany. A dynamic mix of inputs, interactive methods,
small group discussions and strategy development, concentrated on a
number of key questions, including the case for the “left in power”,
strategies and tactics for making this a reality, and the question of
placing limits or “red lines” on government participation.</em></p>
<p><em>The workshop was part of an ongoing series of events with a focus on the Nordic countries organised by RLS Brussels.</em></p><p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;"><span><span><span><span><span><span><span><span><span><span><i><b><span><span><i><b>Read the full report at <a href="https://www.rosalux.eu/en/article/2184.impact-workshop-the-left-in-power-copenhagen-9-10-june.html">Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung - Brussels Office</a>.</b></i></span></span></b></i></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span><em> <br /></em></p><b>Hintadupfing:</b>http://www.blogger.com/profile/02972057479892034858noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8180392168192089260.post-30371717453241936222022-12-12T02:49:00.002-08:002022-12-12T02:49:50.506-08:00Denmark’s left in crisis?<p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;"><strong></strong></span></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: small;"><strong><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgBoj2FVD56KbR9PSCBnQ1-JafqXyPGymey13fmhIuVmVU9KNVzmev5_9yJulVuC484XdvoZPha7iHVRHlwXKT3i6qQd8L0Sz6ZfzTMQGnJLzsoOOSk03XDz120PwCswA2VaPvjj0iB1kDtG9LKQhGdO4ze1rVOLGTsKSM5irQOwR54GtRCfvDbogBX/s350/3770.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="233" data-original-width="350" height="213" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgBoj2FVD56KbR9PSCBnQ1-JafqXyPGymey13fmhIuVmVU9KNVzmev5_9yJulVuC484XdvoZPha7iHVRHlwXKT3i6qQd8L0Sz6ZfzTMQGnJLzsoOOSk03XDz120PwCswA2VaPvjj0iB1kDtG9LKQhGdO4ze1rVOLGTsKSM5irQOwR54GtRCfvDbogBX/s320/3770.jpg" width="320" /></a></strong></span></div><span style="font-size: small;"><strong>Denmark’s radical left party, the Red Green Alliance, is in a
spin. At the November 1 general election, it lost a quarter of its
support, a third of its seats, and its influence with government.
Alongside the immediate financial and political ramifications, the
result has opened up both internal and public debate on what went wrong
and why – exposing strategic disagreements over the party’s direction. </strong></span><p></p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;">
</span></span><p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;">This was the Red Green Alliance’s (RGA) third electoral retreat in a
row, following the 2019 national election and last year’s municipal
vote. The party won just 5.1 percent of the vote, down from 6.9 percent
in 2019 and its historic high-water mark of 7.8 percent in 2015. The
result is worse if you consider the party was averaging 8.1 percent
support when the election was called in October. Compared to
expectations during the campaign, the election results came as something
of a shock.</span></span></p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;">
</span></span><p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;">In the regions, the party’s vote continued to drop, with many voters
turning to the Social Democrats or the Green Left party, and confining
RGA support largely to the big urban centres. There too the party faced
setbacks, with many supporters of radical change backing the new
Independent Greens or the environmentalist Alternative instead.</span></span></p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;">
</span></span><p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;">The party’s Main Board soon announced an internal review and plans to
address the sudden financial shortfall, but this review was pre-empted
somewhat by an article in <em>Politiken</em>, Denmark’s main newspaper.
In it, former party spokesperson and outgoing MP Pernille Skipper blamed
the poor result on – among other things – outdated party structures,
calling for an intensification of the “modernisation” process begun a
decade and a half ago, and for greater political manoeuvrability for
MPs.</span></span></p><p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;"><span><span><span><span><span><span><span><span><span><span><i><b><span><span><i><b>Read the full article at <a href="https://www.rosalux.eu/en/article/2182.denmark-s-left-in-crisis.html">Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung - Brussels Office</a>.</b></i></span></span></b></i></span></span></span></span></span></span></span> </span></span></span></span></span></p><b>Hintadupfing:</b>http://www.blogger.com/profile/02972057479892034858noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8180392168192089260.post-50806104137357329212022-10-28T00:43:00.003-07:002022-10-28T00:43:44.674-07:00Denmark to hold early elections as Social Democrats move right<p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;"><strong></strong></span></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: small;"><strong><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhtjai68ZW965sr72icIZi1VQWZ4fQUF0FsKJ9xHsOakdObBJLmgzCxpUDNF8-F8zxdkS7eC5xKoWD8ImPlsPIex8IKm6yZUr9d1fuEE3kUy-c2vWVsHf9d73v0bZ-ZB54V1-MHAQbkhb7_swQuhuo9zORZc02kKhywUecJe6lI7HcWpkLR0nCh7Dlo/s350/3742.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="234" data-original-width="350" height="214" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhtjai68ZW965sr72icIZi1VQWZ4fQUF0FsKJ9xHsOakdObBJLmgzCxpUDNF8-F8zxdkS7eC5xKoWD8ImPlsPIex8IKm6yZUr9d1fuEE3kUy-c2vWVsHf9d73v0bZ-ZB54V1-MHAQbkhb7_swQuhuo9zORZc02kKhywUecJe6lI7HcWpkLR0nCh7Dlo/s320/3742.jpg" width="320" /></a></strong></span></div><span style="font-size: small;"><strong>On November 1, Denmark will vote, seven months ahead of
schedule. Polls show left and right blocs almost neck-and-neck, and the
risk of an outright win for the right-wing remains real. However, with
Social Democratic Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen seeking to hold onto
power through an unlikely coalition across the middle, a rightwards
shift seems inevitable.</strong></span><p></p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;">
</span></span><p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;">The early election was called when the Social Liberals, one of three
smaller parties propping up the Social Democrat minority government,
threatened a no-confidence motion after damaging criticisms in a report
on the government’s handling of a Covid-19 mutation on Danish mink farms
in 2020.</span></span></p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;">
</span></span><p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;">Frederiksen, widely applauded for her handling of the Covid pandemic,
faced accusations of arrogance and abuse of power over the government’s
cull of all 17 million of the country’s farmed mink. The official
investigation revealed no legal basis for the cull, and while the Prime
Minister avoided sanction, it has damaged her popularity.</span></span></p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;">
</span></span><p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;">Denmark is dominated by bloc politics and coalition governments, and
both major political blocs – red (left) and blue (right) – currently sit
even in the polls, with a slight advantage to the red bloc. With no
obvious winner, two new parties – one nominally centrist, the other on
the right – may decide the outcome.</span></span></p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;">
</span></span><p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;">Unusually, Frederiksen has called on centrist and centre-right
parties to join her in a broad coalition across the political middle
ground, to find "joint solutions to the country's major challenges”.
While the Social Liberals, the Socialist People’s Party and the<em> </em>Moderates
agree, the leaders of the two traditional opposition parties, the
Liberals and the Conservatives, have rejected the idea.</span></span></p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;">
</span></span><p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;">The proposal is also opposed by parties on the far-right, and by the
radical left Red-Green Alliance, another of the parties that has kept
the government in power for the last three years. Indeed, Frederiksen’s
proposed coalition is also deliberately designed to diminish left-wing
influence on government, and to shift Danish politics further to the
right.</span></span></p><p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;"><span><span><span><span><span><span><span><span><span><i><b><span><span><i><b>Read the full article at <a href="https://www.rosalux.eu/en/article/2165.denmark-to-hold-early-elections-as-social-democrats-move-right.html">Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung - Brussels Office</a>.</b></i></span></span></b></i></span></span></span></span></span></span></span> </span></span><br /></span></span></p><b>Hintadupfing:</b>http://www.blogger.com/profile/02972057479892034858noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8180392168192089260.post-9560350635423115112022-10-16T15:41:00.002-07:002022-10-16T15:50:22.756-07:00Historic Copenhagen budget leaves Social Democrats out in the cold<p><span style="font-family: arial;"></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;"><b><i><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhXH1HJY-eTXnMWaXPNLhnPkXQX4T8DtnFNFXfVhQG3GomDefCOJEkNOxHoFu4zQNvZXRABdldz7ZvQf8RHipbwGNGdeAgiuJTwwJWg2CBbpRzC5nujfWNQbhGnqU98YIIxmdUyfXlJxNfV0Hnm1b8C1bZyQPs9iB4mE31VpXWfixDPBKRlMTRgaY9E/s4518/line_0.jpg" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="3011" data-original-width="4518" height="213" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhXH1HJY-eTXnMWaXPNLhnPkXQX4T8DtnFNFXfVhQG3GomDefCOJEkNOxHoFu4zQNvZXRABdldz7ZvQf8RHipbwGNGdeAgiuJTwwJWg2CBbpRzC5nujfWNQbhGnqU98YIIxmdUyfXlJxNfV0Hnm1b8C1bZyQPs9iB4mE31VpXWfixDPBKRlMTRgaY9E/s320/line_0.jpg" width="320" /></a></i></b></span></span></div><p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span><span style="font-size: small;">Duroyan Fertl interviews Line Barfod, a former Enhedslisten MP and the
current Mayor for Technical and Environmental affairs on Copenhagen
Council.</span></span></span></p><i><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;"><b>On September 9, the 2023 budget for the City of
Copenhagen was agreed in historic circumstances. For the first time in a
century, Denmark’s Social Democratic Party – which has long treated Copenhagen as its crown jewel –
was outside the deal. Instead, radical left party Enhedslisten (the
“Red-Green Alliance”) took the lead in budget negotiations, delivering
robust funding for social welfare and the climate, with support from
parties of the centre, right and even far-right.</b></span></span><span style="font-family: arial;"><span><span style="font-size: small;">
</span></span></span></i><p><b><i><span style="font-family: arial;"><span><span style="font-size: small;">In November 2021 municipal elections, Enhedslisten eclipsed the
Social Democrats in Copenhagen for the first time, taking a quarter of
the vote. In the negotiations that followed, however, the Social
Democrats held on to the coveted position of Lord Mayor thanks to
support from the right-wing parties. Enhedslisten took responsibility
for the Technical and Environmental, and Social Affairs, portfolios
instead.</span></span></span></i></b></p><b><i><span style="font-family: arial;"><span><span style="font-size: small;">
</span></span></span></i></b><p><b><i><span style="font-family: arial;"><span><span style="font-size: small;">But in negotiations for the first budget since that vote, the Social
Democrats, along with the Socialist People’s Party (or “Green Left”, as
it now wants to be known internationally), found themselves outside the
room, as their budget proposal failed to win support. Instead,
Enhedslisten brokered a budget agreement that secured significant
climate and welfare spending while bridging the political divide.</span></span></span></i></b></p><b><i><span style="font-family: arial;"><span><span style="font-size: small;">
</span></span></span></i></b><p><b><i><span style="font-family: arial;"><span><span style="font-size: small;">Rather controversially, Enhedslisten’s budget agreement was built on
the support, not only of the political centre, but of parties of the
right and even the extreme right, with the Danish People’s Party and
even more radical Nye Borgelige (the “New Right”) both participating in
negotiations and signing up to the agreement.</span></span></span></i></b></p><b><i><span style="font-family: arial;"><span><span style="font-size: small;">
</span></span></span></i></b><p><b><i><span style="font-family: arial;"><span><span style="font-size: small;">Being cut out of the budget is yet another massive defeat for Lord
Mayor Sophie Hæstorp Andersen and the Social Democrats in Copenhagen,
but what does the deal mean for Enhedslisten, and for the broader
political situation in Denmark, where early elections will be held on 1
November?</span></span></span></i></b></p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span><span style="font-size: small;"></span></span></span><span style="font-family: arial;"><span><span style="font-size: small;"><b>The new 2023 budget agreement is a pretty big departure from
the norm, and has left quite a few people scratching their heads. Why
did Enhedslisten make a deal with parties of the centre and right,
rather than with what many would consider your more natural allies on
the left wing, the Social Democrats or Socialist People’s Party?</b></span></span></span><p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span><span style="font-size: small;">
This is the first time ever in Copenhagen that the Lord Mayor, a
social democrat, is not part of the budget, but we had thought the whole
way through negotiations that we would make a budget with the Social
Democrats. However, after four days of negotiations they still hadn’t
delivered anything on climate, and only very little on welfare – both
issues that we had said from the start were our key areas. This was
particularly the case on the matter of the climate crisis – we simply
couldn’t agree the budget unless we had agreement on something that
really made a difference for the climate. </span></span></span></p><p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span><span style="font-size: small;"><span><span><span><span><span><span><span><i><b><span><span><i><b>Read the full article at <a href="https://www.rosalux.eu/en/article/2163.historic-copenhagen-budget-leaves-social-democrats-out-in-the-cold.html">Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung - Brussels Office</a>.</b></i></span></span></b></i></span></span></span></span></span></span></span> <br /></span></span></span></p><b>Hintadupfing:</b>http://www.blogger.com/profile/02972057479892034858noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8180392168192089260.post-934414587935873722022-08-02T11:16:00.002-07:002022-08-02T11:17:41.791-07:00„Wir müssen mit Dänemark zusammenarbeiten, aber gleichberechtigter“<p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><i><b></b></i></span></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: small;"><i><b><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi2uk8qcZhH_qxuGHeUoX8_bXkwNkdh3g67KxdAZEX1tEqVg8Lxu8r_HjOwydEyWWf-DgqwhUk-_sqfFUO05XKt4zO2Poengn1RCaJmSvpWnUeBcDeCuNrtJtgRUkFRHYRyJ7SpAnvOWlqDMFtm6ja23RHLMDOdXsFvMsTfO82eoBLcQ-Nya8vA1IFA/s350/3698.jpg" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="350" data-original-width="350" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi2uk8qcZhH_qxuGHeUoX8_bXkwNkdh3g67KxdAZEX1tEqVg8Lxu8r_HjOwydEyWWf-DgqwhUk-_sqfFUO05XKt4zO2Poengn1RCaJmSvpWnUeBcDeCuNrtJtgRUkFRHYRyJ7SpAnvOWlqDMFtm6ja23RHLMDOdXsFvMsTfO82eoBLcQ-Nya8vA1IFA/s320/3698.jpg" width="320" /></a></b></i></span></div><span style="font-size: small;"><b>Duroyan Fertl interviewt Aaja Chemnitz Larsen, Mitglied des dänischen Parlaments für Inuit Ataqatigiit</b></span><p></p><p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><i><b>In Kalaallit Nunaat (Grönland) errang die linke Partei Inuit Ataqatigiit („Volksgemeinschaft“) bei den Wahlen im vergangenen Jahr einen Erdrutschsieg und gewann 37 Prozent der Stimmen und 12 der 31 Sitze im Inatsisartut (Parlament Grönlands). </b></i></span></span></p><p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><i><b> Das vergangene Jahr erwies sich jedoch als schwierig und führte zu einem Wechsel der Koalitionspartner. Unterdessen steht das Land vor zahlreichen Herausforderungen, da es einen Ausgleich zwischen wirtschaftlicher Entwicklung und sozialer Gerechtigkeit und Maßnahmen in den Bereichen Klimawandel und Umweltschutz herstellen muss und mit einer sich verändernden globalen Sicherheitslage konfrontiert ist, wobei Dänemark noch immer die Kontrolle über die auswärtigen Beziehungen und die Verteidigung hat. </b></i></span></span></p><h4><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><b>Ihre Partei, die Inuit Ataqatigiit (IA), gewann im April
letzten Jahres die vorgezogenen Wahlen in Grönland. Welche Erfahrungen
hat die IA als linke Regierungspartei seither gemacht?</b></span></span></h4><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;">
</span></span><p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;">Der Schwerpunkt unserer nun bereits beinahe einjährigen Tätigkeit lag
auf der Zusammenarbeit mit unseren Koalitionspartnern der Partei
Naleraq, einer noch weiter links angesiedelten Partei als wir, die sich
aber auch sehr stark auf die Unabhängigkeit Grönlands konzentrierte und
dies viel früher tat als wir bei der IA.</span></span></p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;">
</span></span><p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;">Es ist normal, dass sich die grönländische Bevölkerung über die
Unabhängigkeit Gedanken macht – wenn man sich die Geschichte anschaut,
sieht man, dass wir schon 1953 unabhängig werden hätten können, als wir
(zumindest auf dem Papier) mit Dänemark gleichberechtigt wurden.</span></span></p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;">
</span></span><p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;">Der Schwerpunkt lag sehr auf der Unabhängigkeit und darauf, wie wir
in der Außenpolitik eine andere Rolle spielen können. Wir haben eine
Redewendung: „Nichts über uns ohne uns“, was bedeutet, dass jede
Diskussion über Grönland oder die Arktis im dänischen Parlament (das
über unsere Außenpolitik verfügt) mit grönländischer Beteiligung
geschehen sollte.</span></span></p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;">
</span></span><p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;">Wir haben uns also sehr auf diese Themen konzentriert. Die
Zusammenarbeit mit der Naleraq verlief nicht immer reibungslos. Es war
irgendwie chaotisch und es gab einen ziemlich großen internen Fokus auf
diese Zusammenarbeit.</span></span></p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;">
</span></span><h4><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><b>Sie haben kürzlich die Koalitionspartner gewechselt, von der
Naleraq zur sozialdemokratischen Partei Siumut. Gab es andere
politische Gründe für einen Wechsel der Koalitionspartner oder war es
vor allem die Frage der Unabhängigkeit?</b></span></span></h4><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;">
</span></span><p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;">Ich denke, es ging vor allem um die Haltung gegenüber Dänemark. Ich
denke, dass sowohl die Siumut als auch die IA verstehen, dass wir mit
Dänemark zusammenarbeiten müssen, aber wir müssen dies auf viel
gleichberechtigtere Weise tun.</span></span></p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;">
</span></span><p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;">Wir müssen eine gute Zusammenarbeit sicherstellen und respektvoll
miteinander sprechen. Dies ist für uns bei der Inuit Ataqatigiit sehr
natürlich, aber nicht unbedingt für die Naleraq.</span></span></p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;">
</span></span><p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;">Aus diesem Grund sind die auswärtigen Angelegenheiten – insbesondere
die Beziehungen zu Dänemark, aber auch zu den USA – etwas, das in den
grönländischen Zeitungen viele Schlagzeilen gemacht hat.</span></span></p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;">
</span></span><p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;">Jetzt sind wir also zur Siumut als Koalitionspartner gewechselt.
Hoffentlich können wir uns jetzt viel mehr auf die außenpolitischen
Fragen konzentrieren, mit denen wir uns befassen müssen.</span></span></p><p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><span><span><i><b><span class="VIiyi" lang="de"><span class="JLqJ4b ChMk0b" data-language-for-alternatives="de" data-language-to-translate-into="en" data-number-of-phrases="1" data-phrase-index="0"><span class="Q4iAWc"><span class="VIiyi" lang="de"><span class="JLqJ4b ChMk0b" data-language-for-alternatives="de" data-language-to-translate-into="en" data-number-of-phrases="1" data-phrase-index="0"><span class="Q4iAWc">Lesen Sie den vollständigen Artikel auf der Website der</span></span></span> <a href="https://www.rosalux.eu/de/article/2145.wir-m%C3%BCssen-mit-d%C3%A4nemark-zusammenarbeiten-aber-gleichberechtigter.html">Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung - Büro Brüssel.</a></span></span></span></b></i> </span></span></span></span></p><p></p><b>Hintadupfing:</b>http://www.blogger.com/profile/02972057479892034858noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8180392168192089260.post-42771940887368181842022-07-22T09:04:00.002-07:002022-08-02T11:16:51.924-07:00“We need to collaborate with Denmark, but in a more equal way”<p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><strong><em></em></strong></span></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: small;"><strong><em><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgB989CWqcabUm6XM7EXnjKCOoJQ3lwDS8sa_ICNhqoKiskCQqHJWsUroXt2E85ppZOohCgViSTgnhtgEIvpK2_14FP48fr4_AH1Jufti8iCxrFJ7KEinvNWsI_u8JW7V-0FJDMuRrT09RHV57kkb8MZuFvw-Foi095lhBN8ccRt-Yvi8lxjYJKzN84/s350/3698.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="350" data-original-width="350" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgB989CWqcabUm6XM7EXnjKCOoJQ3lwDS8sa_ICNhqoKiskCQqHJWsUroXt2E85ppZOohCgViSTgnhtgEIvpK2_14FP48fr4_AH1Jufti8iCxrFJ7KEinvNWsI_u8JW7V-0FJDMuRrT09RHV57kkb8MZuFvw-Foi095lhBN8ccRt-Yvi8lxjYJKzN84/s320/3698.jpg" width="320" /></a></em></strong></span></div><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><strong><span style="font-family: arial;"><strong>Duroyan Fertl interviews Aaja Chemnitz Larsen, Member of the Danish Parliament for Inuit Ataqatigiit.</strong></span></strong></span></span><p></p><p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><strong><em><span style="font-family: arial;"><strong><em> </em></strong></span>In Kalaallit Nunaat<em> (</em>Greenland), the radical left party, Inuit Ataqatigiit (‘Community of the People</em></strong><strong><em>’) won a landslide election last year, taking 37 percent of the vote </em></strong><strong><em>and 12 of the 31 seats in the Inatsisartut (Greenlandic parliament).</em></strong><strong><em> </em></strong><strong><em>The
past year has proved difficult, however, leading to a change in
coalition partners. Meanwhile the country faces multiple challenges,
balancing economic development and social justice with action on climate
change and environmental protection, and an evolving global security
situation, where Denmark still controls all foreign affairs and defence
powers. </em></strong></span></span></p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;">
</span></span><h4><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><strong>Your party, Inuit Ataqatigiit (IA), won Greenland’s snap
elections in April last year. What have IA’s experiences as a left party
in government been over this time?</strong></span></span></h4><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;">
</span></span><p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;">The main focus for the nearly a year was on collaborating with our
coalition partners Naleraq, which is a party even more left-wing than us
but which also very much focused on achieving independence for
Greenland and doing so much sooner than for us at IA.</span></span></p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;">
</span></span><p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;">Independence is, of course, something that is natural for the people
of Greenland to think about - looking at history you can see that we
could have been independent already in 1953 when we became an equal
party (at least on paper) with Denmark.</span></span></p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;">
</span></span><p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;">The focus has been very much on independence, as well as on how we
can play a different role in foreign affairs. We have a saying: “nothing
about us without us”, meaning that every time something concerning
Greenland or the Arctic is being discussed in the Danish parliament
(which has authority over our foreign affairs) it should be with
Greenlandic involvement.</span></span></p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;">
</span></span><p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;">So, we have been focusing very much on these issues. It hasn’t always
been a smooth ride for us with Naleraq. It’s been kind of chaotic and
there’s been quite an internal focus, I would say, on this
collaboration.</span></span></p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;">
</span></span><h4><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><strong>You recently changed coalition partners, from Naleraq to the
social democratic party, Siumut. Were there other policy reasons for
changing coalition partners, or was it mainly the independence issue?</strong></span></span></h4><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;">
</span></span><p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;">I think it was mostly about the attitude towards Denmark. I think
both for Siumut and for IA we understand that we need to collaborate
with Denmark, but we need to do it in a much more equal way.</span></span></p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;">
</span></span><p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;">We need to make sure that we have a good collaboration and talk
respectfully to each other. This is something that is very natural for
us in Inuit Ataqatigiit but not necessarily for Naleraq.</span></span></p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;">
</span></span><p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;">For this reason, foreign affairs - especially the relationship
towards Denmark, but also towards the United States - is something that
has been filling a lot of headlines in the Greenlandic newspapers.</span></span></p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;">
</span></span><p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;">So now we have changed to Siumut as a coalition partner. Hopefully
now we’ll be able to focus much more on the external political issues
that we need to deal with.</span></span></p><p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;"> </span><span style="font-family: arial;"><span><span><span><span><span><span><i><b><span><span><i><b>Read the full article at <a href="https://www.rosalux.eu/en/article/2144.we-need-to-collaborate-with-denmark-but-in-a-more-equal-way.html">Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung - Brussels Office</a>.</b></i></span></span></b></i></span></span></span></span></span></span></span><span style="font-family: arial;"></span></span></p><b>Hintadupfing:</b>http://www.blogger.com/profile/02972057479892034858noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8180392168192089260.post-31557248167260229342022-07-05T13:00:00.005-07:002024-02-15T13:20:44.779-08:00“The government has been relying too much on the EU”<p><span style="font-family: arial;"></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;"><i><b><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiuW20m6P5YOdDaPirNKoGHqUyNZedv9i_iZW9yrq7gH-2zgEqMpW8ktZw7crq9djZNpppIm-2er2DSZq7cxTpvQWw1rQjMUlgoBjiPmH1luCrTmMFg8lIlQn72Zh0f1-SwX0NfSIbKpcMxbRyAJRBpX8mgRiPCYDsNAzXk60_fQXZFZYYiHpwC-nGu/s467/3695.jpg" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="467" data-original-width="350" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiuW20m6P5YOdDaPirNKoGHqUyNZedv9i_iZW9yrq7gH-2zgEqMpW8ktZw7crq9djZNpppIm-2er2DSZq7cxTpvQWw1rQjMUlgoBjiPmH1luCrTmMFg8lIlQn72Zh0f1-SwX0NfSIbKpcMxbRyAJRBpX8mgRiPCYDsNAzXk60_fQXZFZYYiHpwC-nGu/s320/3695.jpg" width="240" /></a></b></i></span></span></div><h2><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;">Duroyan Fertl interviews Tobias Drevland Lund, MP for Norwegian left party Rødt (“Red”)</span></span></h2><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;"><i><b>The impact of the war in Ukraine in the Nordic countries
has been largely viewed with reference to Finland and Sweden and their
possible accession to NATO. But what have been the reactions of other
Nordic countries to Russia's war of aggression, what are their most
important demands, and what role are left parties playing in this
response? Tobias Drevland Lund, an MP from the Norwegian left party
Rødt, outlines the experience in Norway, and the prospects for a
progressive and sustainable security infrastructure in Europe.</b></i></span></span><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;"><span>
</span></span></span><h3><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;"><span><b>How has the Norwegian government reacted to the war in
Ukraine? Is it supplying weapons to Ukraine or has it announced a
supply? Are there any significant changes in position? </b></span></span></span></h3><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;"><span>
</span></span></span><p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;"><span>At first, the social democrat-led government and all other parties in
parliament were united in our condemnation of Putin’s act of aggression
with his illegal, imperialist attack on Ukraine. There was also a broad
consensus among the parties about helping Ukraine with medical and
humanitarian aid and welcoming the Ukrainian refugees.</span></span></span></p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;"><span>
</span></span></span><p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;"><span>The first big shift in position from the government was when they
championed sending weapons to Ukraine. Initially, all the parties agreed
on aiding the Ukrainians with helmets and protective vests, because
Ukraine had specifically requested it. Just a short time after, however,
it was decided that Norway also should contribute with military
weapons.</span></span></span></p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;"><span>
</span></span></span><p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;"><span>This was in breach of a law dating back to 1959, saying that Norway
should not export weapons to any country at war. At that time, Norway
had a common border with the Soviet Union and Norway was afraid of being
considered a co-combatant against the Soviets under international law.</span></span></span></p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;"><span>
</span></span></span><p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;"><span>The Norwegian government, and all parties in parliament except the
Red Party, supported this new shift in position. The Red Party is of the
opinion that Norway, bordering Russia, should still be wary of
providing weapons to Ukraine, as it could make us a co-combatant. We
should rather do whatever we can do to help the Ukrainians by other
means.</span></span></span></p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;"><span>
</span></span></span><h3><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;"><span><b>What measures does the government intend to take to help
establish peace in Ukraine? What is its position at the European level
and vis-à-vis NATO?</b></span></span></span></h3><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;"><span>
</span></span></span><p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;"><span>The government has been relying too much on the EU in our opinion.
Even though sanctions and restrictions have more effect if more
countries are agreeing, The Red Party thinks the government has been
slow in taking various actions in response to the crisis. For example,
early on we proposed to implement a law that would launch an
investigation and issue an international arrest warrant against Putin
for violating the Rome Statute's ban on wars of aggression.</span></span></span></p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;"><span>
</span></span></span><p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;"><span>The government and the majority in parliament have rejected this
proposal. The Red Party also proposed heavy sanctions on the Russian
oligarchs, and we demanded the exclusion of all Russian oligarchs from
our oil and gas industry. The latter has indeed taken place – not
because of our government, but because of actions taken by the British.</span></span></span></p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;"><span>
</span></span></span><p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;"><span>We have also asked the government to be more active in actually
transporting the Ukrainian refugees to Norway and to give shelter to
activists, artists and Russian deserters who refuses to fight in Putin’s
war.</span></span></span></p><p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;"><span><span><span><span><span><i><b><span><span><i><b>Read the full article at <a href="https://www.rosalux.eu/en/article/2139.norway-interview.html">Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung - Brussels Office</a>. </b></i></span></span></b></i></span></span></span></span></span></span></span> </p><b>Hintadupfing:</b>http://www.blogger.com/profile/02972057479892034858noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8180392168192089260.post-7543801504744902042022-07-05T12:03:00.008-07:002024-02-15T13:20:59.721-08:00„Die Regierung hat sich unserer Meinung nach zu sehr auf die EU verlassen“<h2><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhKIu85_k9-Ex2fIE56n5fNkdqbCySVlHZAnqfRN0Ruv01WUhIu5HLuHmen7cA87jl2r6sufAuaDdEpF6L-o018z8KLqWHphTL4VFABd6aSgJeWXTQazAIKgrWgjpLaU36gLLlZyDedpdw9VMQD8nasmZxvSmT7tjO_mzJh8tKpyD297HzscA9GvStk/s467/3695.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="467" data-original-width="350" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhKIu85_k9-Ex2fIE56n5fNkdqbCySVlHZAnqfRN0Ruv01WUhIu5HLuHmen7cA87jl2r6sufAuaDdEpF6L-o018z8KLqWHphTL4VFABd6aSgJeWXTQazAIKgrWgjpLaU36gLLlZyDedpdw9VMQD8nasmZxvSmT7tjO_mzJh8tKpyD297HzscA9GvStk/s320/3695.jpg" width="240" /></a></div>Interview mit Tobias Drevland Lund, Abgeordneter der norwegischen Linkspartei Rødt („Rot“)</span></span></h2><h2><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;"><em><strong>Die Auswirkungen des Krieges in der Ukraine wurden in den
nordischen Ländern vor allem mit Blick auf Finnland und Schweden und
deren möglichen Beitritt zur NATO betrachtet. Doch wie haben andere
nordische Länder auf den russischen Angriffskrieg reagiert, was sind
ihre wichtigsten Forderungen, und welche Rolle spielen linke Parteien
bei dieser Reaktion? Tobias Drevland Lund, Abgeordneter der norwegischen
Linkspartei Rødt, erläutert die Erfahrungen in Norwegen und die
Aussichten für eine progressive und nachhaltige Sicherheitsinfrastruktur
in Europa.</strong></em></span></span></h2><h4><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;"><strong>Wie hat die norwegische Regierung auf den Krieg in der
Ukraine reagiert? Liefert das Land Waffen an die Ukraine oder hat es
eine Lieferung angekündigt? Gab es irgendwelche wesentlichen Änderungen
in der Regierungshaltung? </strong></span></span></h4><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;">
</span></span><p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;">Zunächst waren sich die sozialdemokratisch geführte Regierung und
alle anderen Parteien im Parlament einig, dass wir Putins Aggression mit
seinem illegalen, imperialistischen Angriff auf die Ukraine
verurteilten. Unter den Parteien bestand auch ein breiter Konsens
darüber, der Ukraine mit medizinischer und humanitärer Hilfe zu helfen
und die ukrainischen Flüchtlinge aufzunehmen.</span></span></p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;">
</span></span><p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;">Der erste große Haltungswechsel der Regierung war, als sie sich dafür
aussprach, Waffen in die Ukraine zu schicken. Zunächst einigten sich
alle Parteien darauf, den Ukrainern mit Helmen und Schutzwesten zu
helfen, weil die Ukraine dies ausdrücklich gefordert hatte. Wenig später
wurde aber beschlossen, dass Norwegen auch mit militärischen Waffen
einen Beitrag leisten sollte.</span></span></p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;">
</span></span><p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;">Damit wurde ein Gesetz aus dem Jahr 1959 verletzt, wonach Norwegen
keine Waffen in ein Kriegsland exportieren darf. Damals hatte Norwegen
eine gemeinsame Grenze zur Sowjetunion und das Land hatte Angst, nach
internationalem Recht als Mitkämpfer gegen die Sowjets angesehen zu
werden.</span></span></p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;">
</span></span><p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;">Die norwegische Regierung und alle Parteien im Parlament mit Ausnahme
der Roten Partei unterstützten diesen neuen Haltungswechsel. Die Rote
Partei ist der Meinung, dass das an Russland angrenzende Norwegen immer
noch vorsichtig sein sollte, der Ukraine Waffen zu liefern, da es uns zu
einem Mitkämpfer machen könnte. Wir sollten lieber alles tun, was wir
können, um den Ukrainern mit anderen Mitteln zu helfen. </span></span></p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;">
</span></span><h4><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;"><strong>Welche Maßnahmen plant die Regierung, um dazu beizutragen,
den Frieden in der Ukraine herzustellen? Wie ist ihre Position auf
EU-Ebene und gegenüber der NATO?</strong></span></span></h4><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;">
</span></span><p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;">Die Regierung hat sich unserer Meinung nach zu sehr auf die EU
verlassen. Obwohl Sanktionen und Beschränkungen mehr Wirkung haben, wenn
sich mehr Länder einigen, glaubt die Rote Partei, dass die Regierung
nur zögerlich mit verschiedenen Maßnahmen auf die Krise reagiert hat. So
haben wir beispielsweise schon früh die Umsetzung eines Gesetzes
vorgeschlagen, das eine Untersuchung einleiten und einen internationalen
Haftbefehl gegen Putin wegen Verstoßes gegen das Verbot von
Angriffskriegen gemäß dem Römischen Statut erlassen würde.</span></span></p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;">
</span></span><p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;">Die Regierung und die Mehrheit im Parlament haben diesen Vorschlag
abgelehnt. Die Rote Partei schlug auch harte Sanktionen gegen die
russischen Oligarchen vor und wir forderten den Ausschluss aller
russischen Oligarchen aus unserer Öl- und Gasindustrie. Letzteres hat
tatsächlich stattgefunden – nicht aufgrund unserer Regierung, sondern
aufgrund von Maßnahmen der Briten.</span></span></p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;">
</span></span><p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;">Wir haben die Regierung auch aufgefordert, aktiver die ukrainischen
Flüchtlinge nach Norwegen zu transportieren und Aktivisten, Künstlern
und russischen Deserteuren, die sich weigern, in Putins Krieg zu
kämpfen, Unterschlupf zu gewähren.</span></span></p><h2><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;"><em><strong> Lesen Sie den vollständigen Artikel auf der Website der <a href="https://www.rosalux.eu/de/article/2143.interview-mit-tobias-lund-abgeordneter-der-norwegischen-linkspartei-r%C3%B8dt-rot.html">Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung - Büro Brüssel</a>. </strong></em></span></span> </h2><b>Hintadupfing:</b>http://www.blogger.com/profile/02972057479892034858noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8180392168192089260.post-82044852300202124752022-05-31T13:52:00.002-07:002022-06-08T13:54:55.734-07:00„Die dänische Regierung hat die Angst vor Russlands brutalem Krieg genutzt, um im Eiltempo große politische Veränderungen durchzusetzen“<p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;"><b><i></i></b></span></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;"><b><i><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgpPqDf3qe-2fNBp5zwZtimTZTHCnaAHQUxRABvfTg0COSOYhKKAp5-p-CE4HSc0JXyo6QavafUvfE0JAf6kjTFKCY16c_sQYlxOC3RrTspFqdpNjpZUf9fGiXr2nXMoVUFuD0FcSJmw6ytkNlHhTHPQEOWn6OcO_tK_khMj2xpvgK5lnACrmBYbBAc/s381/3682.jpg" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="381" data-original-width="350" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgpPqDf3qe-2fNBp5zwZtimTZTHCnaAHQUxRABvfTg0COSOYhKKAp5-p-CE4HSc0JXyo6QavafUvfE0JAf6kjTFKCY16c_sQYlxOC3RrTspFqdpNjpZUf9fGiXr2nXMoVUFuD0FcSJmw6ytkNlHhTHPQEOWn6OcO_tK_khMj2xpvgK5lnACrmBYbBAc/s320/3682.jpg" width="294" /></a></i></b></span></span></div><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;"><b><i>Russlands völkerrechtswidriger Angriffskrieg auf die
Ukraine wirft eine Reihe fundamentaler Fragen auf. Ist es in einem Klima
zunehmender Spannungen und Militarisierung möglich, sich Putins
Aggression zu widersetzen und gleichzeitig eine Perspektive des Friedens
und der Abrüstung aufrechtzuerhalten? </i></b></span></span><p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;"><b><i>Die dänische Regierung nutzt die
Krise in der Ukraine auch, um die militärischen Beziehungen zu den USA
weiter zu vertiefen und die Ausnahme des Landes von der Teilnahme an
EU-Sicherheits- und Verteidigungsoperationen abzuschaffen. </i></b></span></span></p><p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;"><b><i>Die
Linkspartei Dänemarks, die Rot-Grüne Einheitsliste, hielt kürzlich ihre
Jahreskonferenz ab, auf der ihre Ansichten über NATO und EU heftig
diskutiert wurden. Dennoch, so betont Christine Lundgaard, hielt die
Rot-Grüne Einheitsliste an ihrem Engagement für Frieden, Abrüstung und
ein Ende aller imperialistischen Kriege fest. </i></b></span></span></p><p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;"><b><i>Duroyan Fertl interviewte
sie über die dänische Haltung zum Krieg, den Vorstoß für eine stärkere
Militarisierung und die zu erwartenden Folgen.</i></b><br /></span></span>
</p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;">
</span></span><h4><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;">Wie hat die dänische Regierung auf den Krieg in der Ukraine reagiert?</span></span></h4><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;">
</span></span><p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;">Die dänische Regierung hat den brutalen Krieg Russlands und die von
ihm ausgelöste Angst als eine Art „Schockdoktrin“ benutzt und versucht,
unter dem Deckmantel einer gewaltigen Krise überstürzt große politische
Veränderungen durchzudrücken, die sonst in der politischen Debatte nur
schwer zu vertreten wären. Dies gilt sowohl für Aufrüstung und
Militarisierung auf nationaler und EU-Ebene als auch in der NATO. Es
geht darum, Dänemark sicherheitspolitisch noch enger mit den USA
zusammenzuschweißen. Und es geht um eine sich immer weiter zuspitzende
Konzentration auf das Militär als Gegenreaktion zu Bedrohungen unserer
Sicherheit.</span></span></p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;">
</span></span><h4><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;">Das klingt nach einem deutlichen Positionswechsel.</span></span></h4><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;">
</span></span><p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;">Inmitten der Ukraine-Krise kündigte Premierministerin Mette
Frederiksen am 10. Februar an, die Regierung befinde sich in konkreten
Verhandlungen mit den USA über eine neue Verteidigungskooperation, die
auch amerikanische Truppen auf dänischem Boden einschließen würde. Ihr
zufolge habe die Initiative nicht direkt mit dem Krieg in der Ukraine zu
tun, aber niemand bezweifelt, dass der Krieg als Entschuldigung für
einen politischen Schritt benutzt wird, der in Dänemark höchst
umstritten ist.</span></span></p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;">
</span></span><p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;">Es handelt sich um eine Änderung der dänischen Sicherheitspolitik der
letzten 70 Jahre, in der wir ausländischen Mächten die Stationierung
von Truppen und militärischer Ausrüstung – insbesondere von Atomwaffen –
auf dänischem Boden nicht gestattet haben.</span></span></p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;">
</span></span><p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;">Wir sollten jedoch den Teil unserer Geschichte nicht vergessen, dass
dänische Regierungen geheime Vereinbarungen mit der US-Regierung
getroffen haben, Dänemark entgegen der offiziellen dänischen Politik
nicht über die mögliche Stationierung von Atomwaffen in Grönland zu
informieren. Die Erfahrung zeigt also, dass Vereinbarungen mit den USA
über Stationierungen auch für Atomwaffen gelten können, ohne dass die
Bevölkerung darüber informiert wird.</span></span></p><p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;"><span><i><b><span class="VIiyi" lang="de"><span class="JLqJ4b ChMk0b" data-language-for-alternatives="de" data-language-to-translate-into="en" data-number-of-phrases="1" data-phrase-index="0"><span class="Q4iAWc"><span class="VIiyi" lang="de"><span class="JLqJ4b ChMk0b" data-language-for-alternatives="de" data-language-to-translate-into="en" data-number-of-phrases="1" data-phrase-index="0"><span class="Q4iAWc">Lesen Sie den vollständigen Artikel auf der Website der</span></span></span> <a href="https://www.rosalux.eu/de/article/2132.die-d%C3%A4nische-regierung-hat-die-angst-vor-russlands-brutalem-krieg-genutzt-um-im.html">Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung - Büro Brüssel.</a></span></span></span></b></i> </span></span></span></p><p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;"> </span></span></p><b>Hintadupfing:</b>http://www.blogger.com/profile/02972057479892034858noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8180392168192089260.post-81198949809576525122022-05-30T13:48:00.002-07:002022-07-05T15:09:31.865-07:00“The Danish government has used fear of Russia's brutal war to rush through major policy changes”<p><span style="font-family: arial;"></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjmD1FCNv34lP54qh6QGQSW8SbQESzu_7Cf2lX-nBSPj0VKbb9ef-U8P6qHZVIjgoL0tpgbYYd-vYH_0Hf9h679fXeoLdfcVx8OFgAfTgRF0RTcvk_QnUlg7PWysbi7647MxgZM9BFBhFRLiXWwgu92MXBTZILqY21yxhvLmZWzRdCVKmpz4UuXMUA4/s381/3682.jpg" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="381" data-original-width="350" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjmD1FCNv34lP54qh6QGQSW8SbQESzu_7Cf2lX-nBSPj0VKbb9ef-U8P6qHZVIjgoL0tpgbYYd-vYH_0Hf9h679fXeoLdfcVx8OFgAfTgRF0RTcvk_QnUlg7PWysbi7647MxgZM9BFBhFRLiXWwgu92MXBTZILqY21yxhvLmZWzRdCVKmpz4UuXMUA4/s320/3682.jpg" width="294" /></a></span></span></div><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;"><b><i>Russia's invasion of Ukraine is an unacceptable violation
of international law, posing serious questions about how best to
respond. In a climate of increasing tension and militarisation, is it
possible to oppose Putin’s aggression while maintaining a perspective of
peace and disarmament? </i></b></span></span><p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span><span style="font-size: small;"><b><i>The Danish government is also using the crisis
in Ukraine to further deepen military with the US and to remove the
country’s exemption from participation in EU security and defence
operations. </i></b></span></span></span></p><p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span><span style="font-size: small;"><b><i>Denmark’s left-wing party, the Red-Green Alliance, recently
held its annual conference, where its perspectives on NATO and the EU
were fiercely debated. Nonetheless, Christine Lundgaard insists, the
Red-Green Alliance maintains its commitment to peace, disarmament and an
end to all imperialist wars. </i></b></span></span></span></p><p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span><span style="font-size: small;"><b><i>Duroyan Fertl interviewed her about
Denmark’s position on the war, the push for greater militarisation and
the expected consequences.</i></b></span></span></span></p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span><span style="font-size: small;">
</span></span></span><h4><span style="font-family: arial;"><span><span style="font-size: small;"><b>How has the Danish government responded to the war in Ukraine? </b></span></span></span></h4><span style="font-family: arial;"><span><span style="font-size: small;">
</span></span></span><p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span><span style="font-size: small;">The Danish government has used Russia's brutal war and the fear it
has created as a kind of “shock doctrine”, to rush through major policy
changes – otherwise difficult to argue for in the political debate –
under cover of a huge crisis. This applies to armaments and
militarisation at both a national and EU level, and in NATO. It is about
welding Denmark even closer together with the United States in security
policy. And it applies to a narrowing focus on the military as a
counter to threats to our security.</span></span></span></p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span><span style="font-size: small;">
</span></span></span><h4><span style="font-family: arial;"><span><span style="font-size: small;"><b>This sounds like a substantial shift in position. </b></span></span></span></h4><span style="font-family: arial;"><span><span style="font-size: small;">
</span></span></span><p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span><span style="font-size: small;">In the midst of the heated Ukraine crisis, on February 10, the Prime
Minister Mette Frederiksen announced that the government was in concrete
negotiations with the United States on a new defence cooperation,
involving American troops on Danish soil. According to her, the
initiative was not directly related to the crisis in Ukraine, but no one
doubts that the crisis is being used as an excuse for a political move
which in Denmark is deeply controversial.</span></span></span></p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span><span style="font-size: small;">
</span></span></span><p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span><span style="font-size: small;">It is a change to Danish security policy of the last 70 years, where
we have not allowed foreign powers to deploy troops and military
equipment, and in particular not nuclear weapons, on Danish soil.</span></span></span></p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span><span style="font-size: small;">
</span></span></span><p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span><span style="font-size: small;">We should not forget though that it is part of history that Danish
governments have had secret agreements with the US government not to
inform Denmark about the possible placement of nuclear weapons in
Greenland, against this official Danish policy. So the experience is
that agreements with the United States on deployments can also apply to
nuclear weapons without the people being told.</span></span></span></p><p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span><span style="font-size: small;"><span><span><span><i><b><span><span><i><b>Read the full article at <a href="https://www.rosalux.eu/en/article/2130.the-danish-government-has-used-fear-of-russia-s-brutal-war-to-rush-through-major.html">Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung - Brussels Office</a>. </b></i></span> </span></b></i></span></span></span> <br /></span></span></span></p><b>Hintadupfing:</b>http://www.blogger.com/profile/02972057479892034858noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8180392168192089260.post-89117798415204505022022-04-20T13:35:00.017-07:002022-06-08T13:44:26.703-07:00„Die wichtigste Folge in Finnland ist die Frage der NATO-Mitgliedschaft“<p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><strong><em></em></strong></span></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><strong><em><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjnuYjomYm-RefBtJjpEOCYaiW8vyB3nlh7vogGQEmQH18fChc4MOFId8wI70IqrtjeSWTTWC84W_QCxgxhX5ix-mrco2psMgy1AoprQgbddmvGyLs6zEdpXo6wpBmAKpdu6vr7Kaybdty1kLrJWOHvQX-pWK2Fxbo2CyTcoix1KfXiioYbVExgWrEh/s350/3665.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="350" data-original-width="350" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjnuYjomYm-RefBtJjpEOCYaiW8vyB3nlh7vogGQEmQH18fChc4MOFId8wI70IqrtjeSWTTWC84W_QCxgxhX5ix-mrco2psMgy1AoprQgbddmvGyLs6zEdpXo6wpBmAKpdu6vr7Kaybdty1kLrJWOHvQX-pWK2Fxbo2CyTcoix1KfXiioYbVExgWrEh/s320/3665.jpg" width="320" /></a></em></strong></span></span></div><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><strong><em>Russlands völkerrechtswidriger Angriffskrieg gegen die
Ukraine führt zu neuen Diskussionen über den Umgang mit Russland. So
sind Finnland und Schweden näher denn je an einem NATO-Beitritt. Würde
Finnland der NATO beitreten, würde sich die Landgrenze des westlichen
Militärbündnisses zu Russland verdoppeln. </em></strong></span></span><p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><strong><em> Die wichtigste Konsequenz aus
dem Russland-Ukraine-Krieg sei in Finnland die Frage der
NATO-Mitgliedschaft, sagt Pinja Vuorinen, Vorsitzende der Linksjugend
Finnlands. </em></strong></span></span></p><p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><strong><em>Duroyan Fertl befragte sie zu Finnlands Haltung zum Krieg und
den zu erwarteten Folgen für Finnland.</em></strong></span></span></p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;">
</span></span><h3><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><strong>Wie reagiert die finnische Regierung auf den Krieg in der
Ukraine? Hat er einen wesentlichen Einfluss auf die Haltung? Welche
Maßnahmen plant die Regierung, um den Frieden in der Ukraine
herzustellen?</strong></span></span></h3><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;">
</span></span><p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;">Die finnische Regierung hat auf den Krieg in der Ukraine
gemeinschaftlich reagiert, alle Parteien in der
Mitte-Links-Koalitionsregierung verurteilen den Angriff Russlands auf
die Ukraine. Die ersten und wichtigsten von der Regierung eingeleiteten
Schritte in Bezug auf die Situation waren Sanktionen gegen Russland,
sowohl auf nationaler als auch auf EU-Ebene. Die generelle Einstellung
war die Mitverfolgung der Situation, da die Schwere der Angriffe
weiterhin schwankt.</span></span></p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;">
</span></span><p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;">Alles in allem war der Angriff für Finnland sowie für ganz Europa ein
ziemlicher Schock, wobei die Reaktionen von der Forderung nach
überlegten Erwiderungen bis hin zu heftigen Forderungen nach
Militäraktionen reichten. Es ist klar, dass als Nachbar Russlands die
Sorge über mögliche Sicherheitsrisiken, denen Finnland ausgesetzt sein
könnte, zunimmt.</span></span></p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;">
</span></span><p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;">Bis jetzt bestand die Position der Regierung darin, die Ukraine sowie
ihre Bevölkerung materiell zu unterstützen, indem sie den Menschen wie
andere EU-Länder vorübergehende Zuflucht gewährt. Sie hat auch zu
Friedensverhandlungen aufgerufen, und der Präsident Finnlands hat sowohl
mit US-Präsidenten Biden als auch mit dem russischen Präsidenten Putin
Kontakt aufgenommen.</span></span></p><p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><i><b><span class="VIiyi" lang="de"><span class="JLqJ4b ChMk0b" data-language-for-alternatives="de" data-language-to-translate-into="en" data-number-of-phrases="1" data-phrase-index="0"><span class="Q4iAWc"><span class="VIiyi" lang="de"><span class="JLqJ4b ChMk0b" data-language-for-alternatives="de" data-language-to-translate-into="en" data-number-of-phrases="1" data-phrase-index="0"><span class="Q4iAWc">Lesen Sie den vollständigen Artikel auf der Website der</span></span></span> <a href="https://www.rosalux.eu/de/article/2123.die-wichtigste-folge-in-finnland-ist-die-frage-der-nato-mitgliedschaft.html">Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung - Büro Brüssel.</a></span></span></span></b></i> </span></span></p><b>Hintadupfing:</b>http://www.blogger.com/profile/02972057479892034858noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8180392168192089260.post-11143947815244935402022-04-20T13:26:00.013-07:002022-06-08T13:44:46.495-07:00“The most significant consequence in Finland has been the question of NATO membership”<p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;"></span></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><span><i><b><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhajvsWRyxTzaVAoDCdt1BCUFrOuG42Cyq0kyyYrSE-1NxKRnEHJXxIj4znvYjQpCcQaAScNU_foqPoJNO2u7hrUNx3gTkMl4wUU3Gbo8HjDyeWK67i58boy_qw986dI9M9lLT497ihAf6ZU6UIMSiQpYX62dwEkuZ2eIKQ-_pwBwst6R6GXPGuO_Cn/s350/3665.jpg" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="350" data-original-width="350" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhajvsWRyxTzaVAoDCdt1BCUFrOuG42Cyq0kyyYrSE-1NxKRnEHJXxIj4znvYjQpCcQaAScNU_foqPoJNO2u7hrUNx3gTkMl4wUU3Gbo8HjDyeWK67i58boy_qw986dI9M9lLT497ihAf6ZU6UIMSiQpYX62dwEkuZ2eIKQ-_pwBwst6R6GXPGuO_Cn/s320/3665.jpg" width="320" /></a></b></i></span></span></span></div><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><span><i><b>Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine grossly violates
international law and thus leads to new discussions on how to deal with
Russia. As a result, Finland and Sweden are closer than ever to join
NATO. If Finland were to join NATO, the Western military alliance's land
border with Russia would double. </b></i></span></span></span><p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><span><span><i><b>The most significant consequence in
Finland regarding the Russia-Ukraine war has been the question of NATO
membership, says Pinja Vuorinen, Chair of the Left Youth of Finland. </b></i></span></span></span></span></p><p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><span><span><i><b>Duroyan Fertl interviewed her about Finland’s position on the war and
the expected consequences for Finland.</b></i></span></span><span><span> <br /></span></span></span></span></p><h4><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><span><span>What is the Finnish government’s reaction to the war in Ukraine? Are
there any significant changes in position? What measures does the
government intend to take to establish peace in Ukraine?</span></span></span></span></h4><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><span><span>
</span></span></span></span><p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><span><span>The Finnish government has reacted to the war in Ukraine in a unified
manner, with all the parties in the centre-left coalition government
condemning the Russian attack on Ukraine. The most important step the
government has taken in response to the situation has been to push for
sanctions on Russia at both the national and EU levels. Generally, the
attitude has been to take stock of the situation as the severity of the
attack continues to fluctuate.</span></span></span></span></p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><span><span>
</span></span></span></span><p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><span><span>All in all, the attack has been quite a shock to Finland as it has
been to Europe as a whole, with some calling for cool-headed reactions
and others making much more heated demands for military action. Being a
neighbour of Russia, it is understandable that Finland is particularly
worried about the possible security risks the country might face.</span></span></span></span></p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><span><span>
</span></span></span></span><p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><span><span>So far, the government’s response has been to support Ukraine
materially and to provide humanitarian support by offering temporary
refuge to its people, as other EU countries have done. It has also
called for peace negotiations, and the president of Finland has been in
touch with both the US president Biden as well as the Russian president
Putin.</span></span></span></span></p><p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><span><span><i><b><span><span><i><b>Read the full article at <a href="https://www.rosalux.eu/en/article/2119.interview-pinja-vuorinen.html">Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung - Brussels Office</a>. </b></i></span> </span><br /></b></i></span></span></span></span></p><b>Hintadupfing:</b>http://www.blogger.com/profile/02972057479892034858noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8180392168192089260.post-18091059392427876702022-02-25T06:09:00.001-08:002022-08-17T06:12:41.808-07:00Brexit-aren ondoren: Irlanda, Eskozia eta EB<p><b><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;"></span></span></b></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: small;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh-SLutcRT9Mw4dnyxzCHPQKBJ7lGnNs7nbf5AAdAE-fSKtQnqcnMiKHN4qV06MBDcggaftc9oS-Ql6vU4pB1MYcWsRPuBujMSZKhhSvZvY3G2dwtWWjUg3dIx6pyD4D9p0dTi0eoFSfY1v4QiUpDmXYaGxC4bQGulJH0EkMeuJ79SwvZRG4SVNgxfr/s768/brexit-768x472.webp" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="472" data-original-width="768" height="197" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh-SLutcRT9Mw4dnyxzCHPQKBJ7lGnNs7nbf5AAdAE-fSKtQnqcnMiKHN4qV06MBDcggaftc9oS-Ql6vU4pB1MYcWsRPuBujMSZKhhSvZvY3G2dwtWWjUg3dIx6pyD4D9p0dTi0eoFSfY1v4QiUpDmXYaGxC4bQGulJH0EkMeuJ79SwvZRG4SVNgxfr/s320/brexit-768x472.webp" width="320" /></a></span></b></div><b><span style="font-size: small;">Britainia Handiak 2020ko urtarrilaren 31n Europako Batasuna formalki
utzi zuenean, bere aldekoek ospatu zuten “subiranotasun britainiarra”
berrezarri zela, baina Brexitak bultzada berri bat eman dio estatu
britainiarraren desintegrazioari, Eskoziaren independentziari eta
Irlandaren batasunari emandako babesa handituz. EBk, oro har, begiko
ditu asmo horiek, baina neurri handi batean pasiboa izan da, haustura
politikoarekiko duen higuina dela eta. Baliteke jarrera hori aldatu
behar izatea.</span></b><p></p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;">
</span></span><p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;">Irlandako mugak zailtasun larriak eragin ditu Brexit-aren
negoziazioetan eta ordutik hona. EBren muga porotsu berri batek, gatazka
osteko eremu batean, merkatu bakarra eta EBko aduana-batasuna
mehatxatzen zituen, eta irudimenezko konponbideak eskatzen zituen. Azken
erantzunak, Brexita Erretiratzeko Akordioaren “Irlanda/Ipar Irlandari
buruzko Protokoloak”, eszenatoki bat negoziatu zuen “bi munduetako
onena” jasoz: merkatu bakarra, eskualde-ekonomia, jurisdikzio
britainiarra eta 1998ko Ostiral Santuko Akordioan ezarritako eskubideak
babestea.</span></span></p><p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;">
Hala ere, Britainia Handiak mugari eta Irlandako iparraldeari
emandako tratu arduragabeak bultzada berri bat eman dio Irlandako
batasunari buruzko eztabaidari. </span></span></p><p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><i><b><span class="VIiyi" lang="eu"><span class="JLqJ4b ChMk0b" data-language-for-alternatives="eu" data-language-to-translate-into="en" data-number-of-phrases="1" data-phrase-index="0"><span class="Q4iAWc">Irakurri artikulu osoa <a href="https://gureesku.eus/Periskopioa/brexit-aren-ondoren-irlanda-eskozia-eta-eb-duroyan-fertl/">Gure Esku - Periskopioan</a>.</span></span></span></b></i> <br /></span></span></p><b>Hintadupfing:</b>http://www.blogger.com/profile/02972057479892034858noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8180392168192089260.post-11790054816431522022-02-25T06:05:00.003-08:002022-08-17T06:09:10.894-07:00Después del Brexit: Irlanda, Escocia y la UE<p><b><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;"></span></span></b></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: small;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiT20dm0g0Lx7tMqqaRvVAuU4aSBz8iNjeXAyNdgrkRmU1spad7DLY_rxen2Ot1AZuPX50G_Nt3L3oh51ltrk80XK0xOwNe4PngZHxk3S2xj1AFwC9Dwep3u8cshZxavZ37OzYl8oso1__F4-4NMdgDLZUrLalV0pVwOWIee558IBHC7e3kQf9wNmSr/s976/Manifa.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="549" data-original-width="976" height="180" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiT20dm0g0Lx7tMqqaRvVAuU4aSBz8iNjeXAyNdgrkRmU1spad7DLY_rxen2Ot1AZuPX50G_Nt3L3oh51ltrk80XK0xOwNe4PngZHxk3S2xj1AFwC9Dwep3u8cshZxavZ37OzYl8oso1__F4-4NMdgDLZUrLalV0pVwOWIee558IBHC7e3kQf9wNmSr/s320/Manifa.jpg" width="320" /></a></span></b></div><b><span style="font-size: small;">Cuando Gran Bretaña abandonó formalmente la Unión Europea (UE) el 31
de enero de 2020, sus partidarios lo celebraron como una restauración de
la «soberanía británica», pero el Brexit ha dado un nuevo impulso a la
desintegración del Estado británico, con el aumento del apoyo a la
independencia de Escocia y a la unidad de Irlanda. La UE, aunque en
general simpatiza con estas aspiraciones, ha permanecido en gran medida
pasiva debido a su instintiva aversión a la ruptura política. Es posible
que esta postura tenga que cambiar.</span></b><p></p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;">
</span></span><p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;">La frontera irlandesa ha causado graves dificultades tanto durante
las negociaciones del Brexit como desde entonces. Una nueva frontera
porosa de la UE en una zona post-conflicto, amenazaba el mercado único y
la unión aduanera de la UE y exigía soluciones imaginativas. La
respuesta final, el «Protocolo sobre Irlanda/Irlanda del Norte» del
Acuerdo de Retirada del Brexit, negoció un escenario recogiendo «lo
mejor de ambos mundos»: proteger el Mercado Único, la economía regional,
la jurisdicción británica y los derechos establecidos en el Acuerdo de
Viernes Santo de 1998.</span></span></p><p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;">
Sin embargo, el imprudente trato de Gran Bretaña a la frontera y al
Norte de Irlanda ha dado un nuevo impulso al debate sobre la unidad
irlandesa.</span></span></p><p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><i><b><span class="VIiyi" lang="es"><span class="JLqJ4b ChMk0b" data-language-for-alternatives="es" data-language-to-translate-into="en" data-number-of-phrases="1" data-phrase-index="0"><span class="Q4iAWc">Lea el artículo completo en <a href="https://gureesku.eus/es/Periskopioa/despues-del-brexit-irlanda-escocia-y-la-ue-duroyan-fertl/">Gure Esku - Periskopioa</a>.</span></span></span></b></i> <br /></span></span></p><b>Hintadupfing:</b>http://www.blogger.com/profile/02972057479892034858noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8180392168192089260.post-16646905787147381262022-02-25T05:46:00.021-08:002022-08-17T06:05:23.127-07:00After Brexit: Ireland, Scotland and the EU<p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiqFYulUU9xT432ulsN3o9L-4XJn0aD2Mx1nk3d-M9hLvug6G_YKVyZw8INjknE_il4k4F87Oc3A_nI9y6_ztnfcbnS1AUGDo7fjEZXTwlFt2dL0fvRBZcGNjwNX7ZOUDiTsxm3iNjFMJJBrBYnzOh7gCxrVoNQ05jl7Hp1umz72ygHItIit-RNqOMP/s1200/FMclUCNXwAUtpSG.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1200" data-original-width="1200" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiqFYulUU9xT432ulsN3o9L-4XJn0aD2Mx1nk3d-M9hLvug6G_YKVyZw8INjknE_il4k4F87Oc3A_nI9y6_ztnfcbnS1AUGDo7fjEZXTwlFt2dL0fvRBZcGNjwNX7ZOUDiTsxm3iNjFMJJBrBYnzOh7gCxrVoNQ05jl7Hp1umz72ygHItIit-RNqOMP/s320/FMclUCNXwAUtpSG.jpg" width="320" /></a></span></span></div><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;"><b>When Britain formally left the European Union (EU) on January 31,
2020, its supporters celebrated it as a restoration of “British
sovereignty”, but Brexit has given fresh impetus to the disintegration
of the British state, with support for Scottish independence and Irish
unity rising. The EU, while generally sympathetic to these aspirations,
has remained largely passive due to its instinctive dislike of political
rupture. This stance may need to change.</b></span></span><p></p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;">
</span></span><p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;">The Irish border has caused serious difficulties both during Brexit
negotiations and since. A porous new EU frontier in a post-conflict
zone, it threatened the EU’s Single Market and Customs Union and
demanded imaginative solutions. The eventual answer, the “Protocol on
Ireland/ Northern Ireland” to the Brexit Withdrawal Agreement,
negotiated a “best of both worlds” scenario: protecting the Single
Market, the regional economy, British jurisdiction, and rights set out
in the 1998 Good Friday Agreement.</span></span></p><p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;">
However, Britain’s reckless treatment of the border and the North of
Ireland has breathed fresh life into the Irish unity debate. </span></span></p><p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;"><i><b>Read the full article at <a href="https://gureesku.eus/en/Periskopioa/after-brexit-ireland-scotland-and-the-eu-duroyan-fertl/">Gure Esku - Periskopioa</a>.</b></i><br /></span></span></p><b>Hintadupfing:</b>http://www.blogger.com/profile/02972057479892034858noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8180392168192089260.post-3175636081147189362022-01-11T04:53:00.019-08:002022-01-12T04:57:48.479-08:00How will the EU regulate the tech giants?<p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><strong></strong></span></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: small;"><strong><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEhB9mH0TuW64eYjfJDXzrtDZfwmYuGp9DN0zr0Lcs_WOhLYjBpiNLamV-GdvBwDqJRKq1cTOY9BbidCR5WJISoRWUP5RdboOfA-m2htG3ideRsO12imYsVG0QpAGBiB0sKKzYP9S55xQCfHUGubBJgdkXs-yO7wqSJJmy19Z_Kx9KOtg6kk_jv9ubw0=s1280" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="900" data-original-width="1280" height="225" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEhB9mH0TuW64eYjfJDXzrtDZfwmYuGp9DN0zr0Lcs_WOhLYjBpiNLamV-GdvBwDqJRKq1cTOY9BbidCR5WJISoRWUP5RdboOfA-m2htG3ideRsO12imYsVG0QpAGBiB0sKKzYP9S55xQCfHUGubBJgdkXs-yO7wqSJJmy19Z_Kx9KOtg6kk_jv9ubw0=s320" width="320" /></a></strong></span></div><span style="font-size: small;"><strong>The European Union is currently negotiating several pieces of legislation to regulate the digital economy, to improve the EU</strong><strong>’</strong><strong>s digital sovereignty and make it </strong><strong>“</strong><strong>fit for the digital decade”. This new digital strategy brings the EU directly into conflict with the so-called </strong><strong>“tech giants” – companies like Apple, Amazon, Alphabet, Facebook, and Microsoft that don’</strong><strong>t pay their share of taxes, stifle competition, steal media content and undermine democracy.</strong></span><p></p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;">
</span></span><p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;">The struggle against the dominance of the tech giants is not a new
one – the EU's General Court in Luxembourg recently upheld a 2017
antitrust ruling against Google (Alphabet), fining it 2.4 billion euros
for using its search engines to promote its own comparison-shopping ads,
at rivals’ expense. In Italy, regulators have fined Amazon 1.1 billion
euros for abusing its dominance to favour its own logistics service.
Nonetheless, such responses are exceptions to the rule of the large
online platforms.</span></span></p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;">
</span></span><p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;">How will EU grapple with the difficult task of regulating the tech
giants, what is at stake, and what are the potential pitfalls? Is
EU-regulation of the field even preferable to the current “law of
jungle”? EU-journalist Staffan Dahllöf and Die Linke’s Nora
Friese-Wendenburg – who is working on the digital package in the
European Parliament – addressed these and other issues during a December
9 debate on the European Commission's new package of laws on digital
regulation.</span></span></p><p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><span><i><b>Read the full article and view a video of the presentation at <a href="https://www.rosalux.eu/en/article/2074.how-will-the-eu-regulate-the-tech-giants.html">Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung - Brussels Office</a>. </b></i></span> </span></span></p><b>Hintadupfing:</b>http://www.blogger.com/profile/02972057479892034858noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8180392168192089260.post-80522003718549384212021-12-27T06:27:00.001-08:002022-06-08T13:47:52.593-07:00Brexit vil plage Europa, indtil Irland er genforenet<p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEgVEHo6BblCwOeDIE1sCvVzBHrPxrYgfR-36_IfbTXnZaosZhCtsV87a1VLEQ7-PDJKJgs8WMr0F49IH8qiFzwij-2b83nQW1a5UuEE260uAP9OSjP76jTfWv3i20C5X6AFN5k_w1MA2ToOJf8wGazuu-IG7o2kgFxn0TX_spp9SaMSNV93hWSzkqx1=s2048" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1228" data-original-width="2048" height="192" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEgVEHo6BblCwOeDIE1sCvVzBHrPxrYgfR-36_IfbTXnZaosZhCtsV87a1VLEQ7-PDJKJgs8WMr0F49IH8qiFzwij-2b83nQW1a5UuEE260uAP9OSjP76jTfWv3i20C5X6AFN5k_w1MA2ToOJf8wGazuu-IG7o2kgFxn0TX_spp9SaMSNV93hWSzkqx1=s320" width="320" /></a></div><b>Brexit vil fortsætte med at
plage Europa, så længe der er en britisk grænse gennem Irland. Danmark
og EU skal støtte opfordringen til folkeafstemning om forening af Irland
for at løse problemet.</b><p></p><p><span class="ng_leadin">Med brexit blev</span> den britiske grænse
mellem Irland og det nordlige Irland forvandlet til en ydre grænse for
EU’s indre marked og toldunionen. Det skabte en række nye problemer, der
ikke kan løses, imens grænsen eksisterer.</p>
<p>Den irske grænse løber 500 kilometer tværs gennem boliger, bygninger,
kirkegårde og marker. Der er mere end 300 grænseovergange, men kun 11
ligger ved egentlige hovedveje. </p><p><b><i>Læs mere: <a href="https://jyllands-posten.dk/debat/breve/ECE13582329/brexit-vil-plage-europa-indtil-irland-er-genforenet/">https://jyllands-posten.dk/debat/breve/ECE13582329/brexit-vil-plage-europa-indtil-irland-er-genforenet/</a> <br /></i></b></p><p> </p><b>Hintadupfing:</b>http://www.blogger.com/profile/02972057479892034858noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8180392168192089260.post-52537967033363556072021-12-15T01:33:00.014-08:002022-01-04T01:38:36.785-08:00Countering the neoliberal privatisation of services<p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;"><strong></strong></span></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: small;"><strong><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEh60f2xCo9O2F6tBrSeQZLZLjR_8feF8CKoNAcnQYdKiVAHiircq8qSr4PYzFjrmu_tfP0s0po4Bb1X3EKEdYEusZoRJZJkc8ghYv0Se5mcV04TPTjnkHMqPUbV8LT--pWIEi7Okd5BNsSi_UTOKuyHjRrFilAsQZ3Dw4o1vXnZ-0Cvhsm6wcbGyDF_=s350" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="233" data-original-width="350" height="213" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEh60f2xCo9O2F6tBrSeQZLZLjR_8feF8CKoNAcnQYdKiVAHiircq8qSr4PYzFjrmu_tfP0s0po4Bb1X3EKEdYEusZoRJZJkc8ghYv0Se5mcV04TPTjnkHMqPUbV8LT--pWIEi7Okd5BNsSi_UTOKuyHjRrFilAsQZ3Dw4o1vXnZ-0Cvhsm6wcbGyDF_=s320" width="320" /></a></strong></span></div><span style="font-size: small;"><strong>Will the COVID-19 pandemic drive further privatisation of the
services sector and a new wave of austerity, or can we expect a
departure from neoliberal orthodoxy, towards re-municipalisation and
increased public investments? These were just some of the questions
posed in an online debate with Dr Dieter Plehwe and Dr Mirjam Katzin on
11 November.</strong></span><p></p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;">
</span></span><p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;">The COVID-19 pandemic has shown the injustice and inefficiency of the
privatising, outsourcing and commodifying of vital public services. It
has also exposed the inadequacy of the current system in dealing with
the mass job losses from national lockdowns, magnifying levels of
inequality already worsened by several decades of austerity. However,
there has also been growth in awareness of the importance of such
services in times of crisis, underlining the need for strong, public,
services.</span></span></p><p><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: small;"><i><b>Read the full article at <a href="https://www.rosalux.eu/en/article/2071.countering-the-neoliberal-privatisation-of-services.html">Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung - Brussels Office</a>. </b></i><br /></span></span></p><b>Hintadupfing:</b>http://www.blogger.com/profile/02972057479892034858noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8180392168192089260.post-46665204267675625552021-11-24T04:37:00.004-08:002024-02-15T13:14:59.230-08:00Climate Neutrality and Democratic Ownership after COVID<p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><strong></strong></span></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: small;"><strong><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgDHP1QTQyDmbUGvntEP5MPnxqOivvWESitPyrE102rIgfSlfccyMIA1ud4rL6doWypCLSdcdSn8ZWI81021I8oQWREv8AbBvS8FS1o8THTJubeAxHHYTrwBt9JnXLrokOCCHeAi5TY1ig/s350/3580.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="263" data-original-width="350" height="240" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgDHP1QTQyDmbUGvntEP5MPnxqOivvWESitPyrE102rIgfSlfccyMIA1ud4rL6doWypCLSdcdSn8ZWI81021I8oQWREv8AbBvS8FS1o8THTJubeAxHHYTrwBt9JnXLrokOCCHeAi5TY1ig/s320/3580.jpg" width="320" /></a></strong></span></div><span style="font-size: small;"><strong>On 21 October, the Copenhagen-based Democracy in Europe
Organisation (DEO), along with the Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung Brussels
Office, hosted a forum on the challenges of a socially just transition
to clean energy, with former Copenhagen City councillor Ulrik Kohl.
Kohl, a researcher on community energy in the Nordic countries and
Southeast Europe with Malmö University and Roskilde University, spoke
about the role of the left and communities in organising grassroots,
working class alternatives to the capitalist Green Deal.</strong></span><p></p><p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;">The idea of a ‘Green Deal’, or ‘Green New Deal’, has increasingly
been seen as a panacea for the unfolding climate crisis. Since the
outbreak of the Covid-19, it has also been presented as a solution to
the global health and economic crises unfolding in the wake of the
pandemic. In Europe, the call for an ‘EU Green Deal’ emerged in 2019,
centring around a target of European Union carbon neutrality by 2050.
This year EU leaders made this a binding target, setting a further
preliminary greenhouse gas emissions reduction target of at least 55% by
2030 (compared to 1990 levels).</span></span></p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;">
</span></span><p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;">Such a rapid transition to green energy and climate neutrality is an
urgent necessity, but while welcome, the promised reductions have also
been criticised as inadequate. Worse yet, they are unlikely to be met.
The reliance on market mechanisms and emissions trading has proved worse
than useless, cuts foreshadowed in 2015’s Paris Agreement have simply
not eventuated, and without a major change in approach, the latest
pledges by world governments at the COP26 summit in Glasgow are likely
to go the same way.</span></span></p><p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><span><span style="font-family: arial;"><span><i><b>Read the full article at <a href="https://www.rosalux.eu/en/article/2052.climate-neutrality-and-democratic-ownership-after-covid.html">Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung - Brussels Office</a>.</b></i></span></span></span> <br /></span></span></p><b>Hintadupfing:</b>http://www.blogger.com/profile/02972057479892034858noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8180392168192089260.post-14909710612309494762021-11-19T10:49:00.003-08:002021-11-19T10:49:32.967-08:00Denmark: Local election set-back for Social Democrats; wins for the left and centre-right<span style="font-family: arial;"><b><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjZwxffyTtrxiTQPlT3RMvBTtXsbU_81Z4f75bWQp6c3Sh31g6Eup4sVJNME3QXqlo7SDmHEAncm3F2NNgqbAUCLfV29jX7babjnd6XYMc_kVQdvdYKYZOjNMCt3MM-hpRnMHTF2Nfiuu8/s1440/FEZeyGaWUAQV72q.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1439" data-original-width="1440" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjZwxffyTtrxiTQPlT3RMvBTtXsbU_81Z4f75bWQp6c3Sh31g6Eup4sVJNME3QXqlo7SDmHEAncm3F2NNgqbAUCLfV29jX7babjnd6XYMc_kVQdvdYKYZOjNMCt3MM-hpRnMHTF2Nfiuu8/s320/FEZeyGaWUAQV72q.jpg" width="320" /></a></div>Denmark’s local elections have delivered a stark warning to the governing Social Democrats, and handed big wins to both the far-left and the centre-right, amidst an historically low voter turn-out.</b><br /><br />Denmark’s municipal and regional elections, held on November 16, brought mixed results across the political spectrum. The biggest wins came for the centre-right Conservatives and the far left’s Enhedslisten (the “Red-Green Alliance”), but the stand-out story is the disastrous result for the governing Social Democrats. Poor results across the country and in the capital are a warning to Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen that the political ground has shifted beneath her government as she faces revelations of political impropriety, a new wave of Covid-19, and simmering discontent over issues both local and crossing the local-national divide, such as the mishandling of healthcare and childcare.<br /><br />Already navigating an unfolding scandal over the forced closure of Denmark’s mink industry after a Covid-19 outbreak last year, the pandemic’s resurgence has brought into sharp relief government mismanagement of the recent nurse’s strike. Underpaid and under-resourced, nurses rejected a pay offer that fell short of their demands, only to have it foisted on them when the government legislated an end to negotiations. There are fears that future waves of the virus could drive an exodus of nurses and break the back of a public health system run by underfunded regional government. Similar issues of pay and recruitment plague the childcare sector, which is administered at a municipal level.<br /><br />While the Social Democrats remained the largest party in local elections, as they have been for over 100 years, there were heavy losses across the country, with retreats in 70 of the 98 council areas. The damage was most obvious in the party’s urban heartlands, and in the four largest cities (Copenhagen, Aarhus, Odense and Aalborg) support dropped by over 10 percent. The result was worsened by a record low turnout nation-wide - the third lowest in a century at just 67.2 percent - that reached its nadir in many urban working class areas. The worst participation rate came in the area around Tingbjerg, Copenhagen, where only one in three of those eligible cast their vote. <br /><br />It was in Copenhagen, too, where the Social Democrats suffered their greatest and most symbolic defeat. After 112 years, they are no longer the most voted-for party on Copenhagen Council, slumping to just 17.3 percent support. They were overtaken by the radical left party Enhedslisten, topping the polls for the first time with a record 24.6 percent - nearly a quarter of the electorate. As well as taking the party vote, Enhedslisten’s lead candidate, Line Barfod, took the most direct candidate votes.<br /><br />The Copenhagen result has several causes, but a key theme was development, with the city caught in the grip of a housing crisis, fuelled by housing speculation and development firms such as Blackstone. The market having failed to fix the crisis, the Social Democrat-run council and previous liberal government cooked up a controversial scheme to create an artificial island, “Lynetteholmen” in Copenhagen harbour to house 35,000 new residents, funded through loans to be paid off through the sale of public land.<br /><br />The project’s potential traffic congestion alone is astounding: it would require transporting 80 million tonnes of soil through the city - some 350 truck journeys per day. The climate and environmental impact would be disastrous, and - rather than making housing more affordable - the initiative will create a new market for private real estate speculation. Lynetteholmen faces considerable opposition from local communities, climate and environment NGOs, and affordable housing advocates, but approval was rammed through the national parliament by the Social Democrats and the right, and given to development company By & Havn (“City & Port”) to implement.<br /><br />A similar issue emerged in Copenhagen’s south, where the planned destruction and development of one of the city’s very few extensive nature areas - Amager Fælled, which hosts deer, endangered salamander, lark nests and other wildlife - was met with fierce resistance and a popular protest movement. Ostensibly, the project - also tendered to By & Havn - was to meet the city’s growing housing needs, but again the reality does not match the rhetoric. In both cases, the intersection of housing, climate and the environment played to the strengths of the left, and Enhedslisten in particular.<br /><br />Finally, some more specific issues have hurt the Social Democrats, with former Lord Mayor - and vice president of the party - Frank Jensen being forced to resign last year after multiple sexual harassment allegations, and an attempt to fob off the issue by offering to be “part of the solution” to the problems he had caused. As a small wave of MeToo scandals hit the country’s political elite, Jensen was forced to resign his posts, and his replacement at council level has failed to impress.<br /><br />The result in Copenhagen was an outstanding success for Enhedslisten, tapping popular support for action on the climate emergency and housing affordability, and from young voters. Despite its historic result and largest-party status - which would traditionally afford it the position of Lord Mayor - Enhedslisten was locked out when the Social Democrats formed a block with the right-wing parties to install their candidate Sophie Hæstorp Andersen instead. Reflecting the party’s new size, Enhedslisten nonetheless took both the Environment and Technical, and Social Affairs, deputy mayor portfolios on council.<br /><br />Enhedslisten also saw success on Denmark’s “summer isle”, Bornholm, taking 23.1 percent on the back of a 17 percent swing among the islands 40,000 residents. The ruling Social Democrats and liberal party Venstre had pushed through a disastrous municipal budget that slashed social security while splurging millions on a new town hall. Enhedslisten - led by deputy mayor Morten Riis - were cut out of the decision-making, and quickly became the face of opposition. As in Copenhagen, however, the numbers weren’t there for a left mayor, and Enhedslisten lent its support to the Conservatives for the role, breaking the Venstre-Social Democrats duopoly and winning a re-negotiation of the budget.<br /><br />This election saw Enhedslisten’s greatest results at the municipal level in its 32 year history. It elected 114 councillors on 68 councils - a slight drop on 2017 - but reached a new high in overall support, 7.3 percent nationwide. The results in Copenhagen and Bornholm were a high water mark, making a serious statement about the party’s role in Danish politics and strengthening its negotiation position in the national parliament. Unlike the Socialist People’s Party, however, which held onto its single mayor on the island of Langeland, Enhedslisten failed to win the position of mayor in any council, with parties of both right and “left” uniting against it. <br /><br />A Blue Denmark?<br /><br />A struggle of a different kind unfolded on the right wing of Danish politics, with liberal party Venstre suffering modest setbacks and the Conservative Peoples Party earning the largest swing and most impressive gains of any party. Meanwhile, the extreme right saw a splintering, as the Danish People Party lost more than half its votes, and its new, more pro-market, competitor on the right fringe, Nye Borgerlige (“New Right”) failing to fully capitalise. The results continue an emerging trend of the Conservative party leading the charge on Denmark’s political right. <br /><br />Venstre had anticipated worse losses than it experienced, and its poor results paled in comparison to those of its main opponent, the Social Democrats. Some losses were self-inflicted, however, such as in Tønder, where internal discontent led a large part of the local branch to run its own list of candidates, costing Venstre the mayoral post in the area. As a result, the Schleswig Party - representing the German-speaking minority in southern Denmark - took the helm of the council for the first time since 1946.<br /><br />The biggest winner was the Conservative Peoples Party, which saw a swing of 6.4 percent (over 10 percent in 15 councils) and improved support in nearly every council area. The party took over the position of mayor in several councils, including Bornholm and in Kolding, where the Socialist People’s Party’s former chairman and foreign minister, Villy Søvndal - infamous for his role in the sale of the state energy company DONG - gifted the Conservatives the mayor’s seat in order to keep Venstre out.<br /><br />Despite this, the Conservatives suffered a humiliation in their stronghold of Frederiksberg - a wealthy enclave within Copenhagen with its own council. Up until now, it had been the Conservative’s crown jewel - under their control for 112 years - but a clever campaign, and a strong left vote (including a surge in support for Enhedslisten, which secured second spot with 17.5 percent, ahead of the Social Democrats) gave the area a social democratic mayor for the first time.<br /><br />Further to the right, a different drama was being played out. The far right populist Danish Peoples Party lost more than half its votes and 133 seats, losing support in every single municipality. The party, which once polled over 20 percent, dropped from 8.7 percent in 2017 to only 4.1 percent, prompting national leader Kristian Thulesen Dahl to announce his resignation and call a special party congress. With internal squabbling and no obvious replacement, and leading figures in the party facing legal and criminal investigations, the party appears to be in a state of deepening crisis.<br /><br />Even so, perhaps only half of the support lost by the Danish People's Party went to its more extreme rival Nye Borgerlige, in the first serious local challenge between the two. Nye Borgerlige increased its representation by 63 seats, but many disaffected Danish People’s Party voters seem to have stayed home, or lent their support to the Conservatives or Venstre. Some may also have supported the Social Democrats, who have adopted many of the xenophobic immigration and social policies of the far right.<br /><br />Ultimately, however, the main story remains the bloody lip Danish voters have delivered to the government. Before summer, it looked unassailable, coolly managing the pandemic crisis through sensible lockdown measures and Keynesian supports to workers and business that made life difficult for rivals on both sides. Adopting a far-right position on migration and refugees, it removed the issue as a political threat - breaching the 1951 Refugee Convention, to which Denmark was the first signatory, in a cynical move to maintain electoral support. <br /><br />This overall strategy gave the Social Democrats a powerful position at the very centre of Danish politics, capable of forming majorities to both the right and left. However, it also fed a tendency towards arrogance and overreach reflected in the mishandled mink scandal, the nurses strike, and development projects in Copenhagen. These latest results show that in politics, such moments are fleeting, and change is coming from both a restored conservative right, and from a re-energised radical left, that has a project for change.</span><b>Hintadupfing:</b>http://www.blogger.com/profile/02972057479892034858noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8180392168192089260.post-44511570444442595422021-08-11T04:10:00.018-07:002021-10-30T04:22:23.235-07:00Don’t Panic - Analysis and Strategy on Right-Wing Populism<p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><b></b></span></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: small;"><b><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjK29voEQE_MeOtsEsDlnzx6eEa5z_rw8h_K8gDNCuaRd0EtTgClQYMYgG1Xpnzk68XU0_3YPu2j_vGDN5GJHeCPQ4CPUGWuFIic62sgLwXQXRpDCpz2EspGKc2Ci1lTQgoWhp9HzgJcWo/s1200/3496.png" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="780" data-original-width="1200" height="208" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjK29voEQE_MeOtsEsDlnzx6eEa5z_rw8h_K8gDNCuaRd0EtTgClQYMYgG1Xpnzk68XU0_3YPu2j_vGDN5GJHeCPQ4CPUGWuFIic62sgLwXQXRpDCpz2EspGKc2Ci1lTQgoWhp9HzgJcWo/s320/3496.png" width="320" /></a></b></span></div><span style="font-size: small;"><b>Over the past decade, many countries have seen the rise and
consolidation of support for right-wing populist movements and parties.
This development is being increasingly reflected in parliaments and
governments alike and now poses a serious challenge, both to parties of
the left and to the values at the heart of liberal democracy.</b></span><p></p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;">
</span></span><p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;">For the past two years, the Copenhagen-based Democracy in Europe
Organisation (DEO) has teamed up with the Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung
Brussels Office (RLS) on a joint project to address the rise of the
populist right and the future of European democracy. This collaboration
brought together the political left in Germany, Sweden and Denmark for a
number of workshops and has now culminated in the publication of a new
anthology: <em>Don</em>’<em>t Panic – Analysis and Strategy on Right-Wing Populism</em>.</span></span></p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;">
</span></span><p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;">Contributors include political actors and analysts such as Swedish
anti-fascist researcher Mathias Wåg, DIE LINKE policy advisor Kerstin
Wolter, Enhedslisten<em> </em>MP Rosa Lund and Vänsterpartiet<em> </em>Party
Secretary Aron Etzler, among others. Divided into three sections, the
book examines the development of far-right populism in Germany, Sweden
and Denmark and the counter-strategies and tactics deployed by the left.
It is an informative and thought-provoking contribution to
understanding and combating right-wing populism in Europe and sets out
some visions for building a stronger left alternative.</span></span></p><p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><span><i><b>Read the full article at <a href="https://www.rosalux.eu/en/article/2004.don-t-panic.html">Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung - Brussels Office</a>. </b></i></span></span></span><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><br /></span></span></p><p><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><i><b>Download the book as a <a href="https://www.rosalux.eu/kontext/controllers/document.php/830.9/9/09a2d9.pdf">PDF</a></b></i>.<br /></span></span></p><b>Hintadupfing:</b>http://www.blogger.com/profile/02972057479892034858noreply@blogger.com0